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IN     EXILE  :      ELBA 




Author  of  "  Napoleon  in  Exile  :  Elba,"  etc. 

By  A.   M.   BROADLEY 

Author  of  "  Napoleon  in  Caricature,"  etc. 

With  two  coloured  frontispieces  and  one  hundred  iUus- 
trations  from  the  collection  of  A,  M.  Broadley 

In  two  volumes,  Demy  Svo,  cloth  gilt,  32/-  net 

T^HIS  valuable  work  carries  on  the  story  of  Napoleon 
in  Exile,  by  a  remarkably  thorough  account  of  his 
life   on  the  island   of  St.  Helena   after  his  defeat  at 
Waterloo,  June  18th,  1815. 

31    ESSEX    STREET,   STRAND,  W.C. 




AT  GOLFE  JOUAN   ON    THE    ist  MARCH   18 15 


AUTHOR    OF    "the    GROWTH    OF    NAPOLEON  "  ;    "THE    STORY    OF    ROME  "  ;    ETC. 


BY     A.     M.     BROADLEY 

::        ::        author     of     "napoleon     in     caricature/'    etc.         ::        :: 


LONDON:    STANLEY    PAUL   &    CO. 
31     ESSEX     STREET,      STRAND,     W.  C . 

First  Published  in  Igj^ 



THE  Elban  episode  in  Napoleon's  career  has  not 
received  the  attention  it  deserves.  It  reveals  to  us 
the  man  unencumbered  by  the  weight  of  the 
Empire,  and  not  yet  given  up  to  the  pose  for  pos- 
terity ;  and  it  helps  us  to  understand  the  course  of  events 
at  St.  Helena. 

Elba  explains  St.  Helena.  For  that  reason  the  two 
subjects  are  included  in  one  work,  under  the  title  of 
"  Napoleon  in  Exile."  The  first  volume,  dealing  with  Elba, 
is  published  on  the  31st  March,  1914,  exactly  one  hundred 
years  after  the  entry  of  the  Allies  into  Paris.  Two  volumes 
dealing  with  St.  Helena  it  is  hoped  to  publish  on  the  1st 
March,  1915,  the  centenary  of  the  landing  of  Napoleon  on 
the  coast  of  France  on  his  return  from  Elba. 

It  has  been  my  privilege  to  be  given  free  use  of  the  un- 
published Elba  material,  including  a  large  number  of  letters 
signed  or  initialed  by  Napoleon,  collected  by  the  late  Earl 
of  Crawford.  I  have  also  to  thank  Professor  Vigo,  Curator 
of  the  archives  of  the  city  of  Leghorn,  Mr.  Montgomery 
Carmichael,  British  Consul  at  Leghorn,  Mr.  J.  C.  Airey, 
British  Vice-Consul  at  Portoferraio,  and  Signer  Pilade  del 
Buono,  formerly  proprietor  of  the  San  Martino  estate,  for 
valuable  assistance  given  me  in  various  ways  during  my 
visits  to  Leghorn  and  Elba. 


To  Mr.  A.  M.  Broadley  I  am  under  a  special  debt  of 
obligation  for  the  free  access  accorded  me  to  his  valuable 
Napoleonic  Library  and  collection  of  MSS.,  as  well  as  for  the 
illustrations  which  he  has  furnished  from  his  extensive  col- 
lection of  prints  and  caricatures.  Mr.  Broadley  has  also 
contributed  a  chapter  dealing  specially  with  the  iconography 
of  Elba  and  other  sidelights  connected  with  the  subject. 

I  have  to  thank  Major-General  Turletti,  Commander  at 
Leghorn,  for  his  great  courtesy  in  having  a  copy  made  for  me 
of  the  plan  of  the  Mulini  Palace,  kept  in  the  archives  of  the 
Engineers  at  Leghorn.  Signor  Alberto  Reiter,  of  Porto - 
ferraio,  made  the  long  expedition  to  the  Madone,  in  order 
to  obtain  for  me  the  photographs  here  reproduced,  for  which 
I  thank  him  most  heartily.  Professor  Karl  Schmidt,  of 
Odense,  Denmark,  has  most  kindly  allowed  me  to  reproduce 
from  the  copy  in  his  possession,  the  print  of  the  landing  of 
Napoleon  at  Elba,  from  the  drawing  by  Lieutenant  Sidney 
Smith,  of  the  Undaunted.  I  have  also  to  thank  Dr.  J.  F.  Silk 
for  giving  me  permission  to  copy  the  drawing  of  San  Martino. 

31s/  March,  1914. 




I.  The  Allies  enter  Paris 

II.  The  Abdications   ..... 

III.  The  Treaty  of  Fontaikebleau 

IV.  The  Journey  to  the  Coast  . 
V.  The  First  Voyage  on  a  British  Warship 

VI.  The  New  Kingdom         .... 

VII.  The  Reception  at  Portoferraio  . 

VIII.  The  Palace  and  Court 

IX.  A  Deserted  Island        .... 

X.  The  Arrival  of  the  Guard  . 

XI.  The  Festivals  of  San  Cristino,  St.  George 
and  Saint  Napoleon 

XII.  Villegiatura  ..... 

XIII.  The  Fortress  Estate    .... 

XIV.  Finance  ...... 

XV.  Marie  Louise  ..... 

XVI.  The  Man  at  Elba  .... 

XVII.  The  Elban  Message       .... 

XVIII.  The  Congress  of  Vienna 

XIX.  The  Fatal  Decision       .... 

XX.  Back  to  France    ..... 

XXI.  Iconography  and  other  Sidelights 

Bibliography  ..... 

Index     ,,...,, 












Napoleon    at   Elba,  with   PoRTOFERnAio  in   the   Background 

From  a  contemporary  engraviug  in  tlie  collection  of  Mr.  Alfred  Brewis. 

Frontispiece  in  Photogravure 


Entry  of  the  Allied  Sovereigns  into  Paris,  31  March,  1814  .       24 
The  Empress  Marie  Louise  and  the  King  of  Rome        .         .       32 

From  a  contemporary  engraving. 

George  Cruikshank's  Caricature  of  "The  Elbaronian 
Emperor  going  to  Take  Possession  of  his  New 
Territory  "     .  .  .  .  .  .         .       40 

Published  23  April,  1814. 

The  Farewell  .\t  Fontainebleau,  20  April,  1814  .         .       48 

From  a  contemporary  print. 

Nic  ALIAS  Nap's  March  to  Elba   .  .  .  .         .       5Q 

From  George  Cniikshaiik's  caricature  of  1  May,  1S14. 

A  contemporary  German  View  of  Napoleon's  Journey  from 

Fontainebleau  to  the  Coast,  April,  1814  .  .         .       60 

Marshal  Augereau  and  Napoleon  .  .  .         ,       64 

French  caricature  of  a  celebrated  incident  during  Napoleon's  jouiney  from 
Fontainebleau  to  the  coast. 

Napoleon's  Embarkation  at  St.  Raphael  for  Elba         .         .       72 

From  a  contemporary  German  print. 

PoRTOFERRAIO    FROM    THE    SeA  .  .  .  .  .  80 

From  a  print  of  1S14. 

PoRTOFERRAIO  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  88 

From  a  German  satirical  print  of  1814. 



"  Nap    Dheadino    his    Doleful    Doom,  or    his    Grand    Entry 

IN  THE  Isle  of  Elba  "  .  .  .  .         .       96 

From  an  Englitih  caricature  of  April,  1S14. 

Napoleon's  Landing  in  Elba,  4  May,  1814  .  .         .100 

From  a  contenii>or,iry  German  print. 

Napoleon's  Arrival  in  Elba  .  .  .  .         .     104 

From  a  French  caricature  of  1S14. 

The  Mulini  Palace,  Portoferraio,  1914  .  .         .     108 

Garden  of  the  Mulini  Palace,  Portoferraio,  in  1814  .     112 

From  a  contemporary  print. 

Garden  of  the  Mulini  Palace,  Portoferraio,  1914       .         .116 
Baron  Peyrusse      .  .  .  .  .  .         .     120 

From  a  contemporary  print. 

Pons  de  l'Herault  .  .  .  .  .         .     120 

From  a  contemporary  print. 

The  Village  of  Rio,  Elba  .  .  .  .         .124 

From  a  contemporary  print  after  a  sketch  by  Sir  B.  C.  Hoaro. 

Napoleon  and  Elba  .  .  .  .  .         .     128 

From  an  English  aquatint  of  1814. 

The  Fortress  of  Volterraio,  Elba  .  .  .         .136 

From  a  contemporary  print  after  a  sketch  by  Kir  R.  C.  Hoare. 

Cambronne  .  .  .  .  .  .         .     144 

From  a  contemporary  portrait. 

Count  Jersm.\nowski  .  .  .  .  .         .     144 

From  a  contemporary  portrait. 

An  Imperial  Review  at  Elba        .  .  .  .         .     152 

From  a  Bourbon  caricature  of  1814. 

Elba  as  seen  from  the  Tuscan  Coast      .  .  .         •     l60 

From  a  contemporary  print  after  a  sketch  by  Sir  R.  C.  Hoare. 



San  Martino  (Ground  Plan)  .  .  .  .         .164 

Drawn  by  Norwood  Young, 

Contemporary  Plan  of  the  San  Martino  Estate,  1814-15   .     1 68 
Hermitage  of  La  Madonna  del  Monte  .  .  .         .176 

Where  Napoleon  staypd  from  23  August  to  14  September,  1814.     From  a 
pliotoj-Taph  by  Alberto  Reiter,  Portofenaio. 

POKTO    LoNGONE    IN    1814       .  .  .  .  .  .184 

From  a  contemporary  print  after  a  sketch  by  Sir  R.  C.  Hoare. 

General  View  of  Portoferraio  in  1814  .  .         .192 

From  a  contemporary  aquatint  In  the  collection  of  A.  M.  Broadley. 

Drouot  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .      200 

From  a  contemporary  engraving. 

Napoleon  in  1814  ......     208 

From  a  picture  taken  (luring  bis  residence  in  Elba,  which  in  1S50  was  in  the 
possession  of  Signor  Foi'esi,  of  Portoferraio. 

The  Hermitage  of  Monte  Serrato  in  1814-15  .         .216 

From  a  contemporary  print  after  a  sketch  by  Sir  R.  C.  Iloare. 

Napoleon's  Observatory    .  .  .  .  .         .     224 

Near  the  Hermitage,  from  which  he  used  to  ga^e  on  the  coast  of  Corsica.   From 
a  photograph  by  Alberto  Reiter. 

The  Robinson  Crusoe  of  the  Island  of  Elba     .  .         .     232 

From  a  French  caricature  of  1S14. 

The  Villa  San  Martino,  Elba      .  ....     240 

From  a  contemporary  drawing  in  the  collection  of  the  Vicomte  de  Femere. 

Bonaparte  at  Elba  .  .  .  .  .         .     248 

From  a  sketch  taken  by  an  officer  on  the  spot.   In  the  collection  of  A.  51.  Broadley. 

Napoleon's  Study  in  the  Villa  San  Martino,  1914       .         .     256 
The  Destiny  of  France    .  .  .  .  .         .     272 

a  French  caricature  of  1S14-1J. 

The  Indigestible  Pie  .  .  .  .  .         .     2«0 

From  a  French  caricature  of  ISIJ. 



Sir  Neil  Campbell  ...•••     288 

From  a  portrait  in  possession  of  General  Sir  H.  Grant,  k.c.b.,  o.c.v.o. 

The  Ghost  ...••'•     ~"" 

A  contemporary  French  caricature  of  1S15. 

Contemporary    English    Caricature    of    Napoleon's    Return 

FROM  Elba  to  France,  February-March,  1815        .         .     304 

Embarkation    of    Napoleon    at    Portoferraio    for    France, 

26  February,  1815     .  .  .  •  .         .     308 

Napoleon's  Elban  Standard  .  ....     312 

From  an  English  engraving  of  August,  1823. 

Disembarkation    of   Napoleon    in    France    on    the   Shore  of 

GoLFE  Jouan,  1    March,   1815  .  •  .         .316 

The  Grenadier  of  Elba  .  .  •  '         *     ^^^ 

From  a  contemporary  print. 

Bloody    Boney   the    Carcass    But<her    left  off  Trade  and 

Retiring  to  Scarecrow  Island  (Elba)  .  •         .     324 

An  English  caricature  of  12  April,  1814. 

George    Cruikshank's    Title-page    to    an    English    Satirical 

Song  of   1814  on  Napoleon's  Exile  to  Elba  .  .     328 

The  Congress  Dissolved  before  the  Cake  was  Cut  Up  .     332 

From  George  Cruikshank's  caricature  of  6  April,  1815. 





ON  the  31st  March,  1814— just  a  hundred  years  ago 
—the  troops  of  the  AlHes,  Russia,  Austria,  and 
Prussia,  marched  in  triumph  into  Paris,  the  chief 
city  of  the  Continent,  and  the  capital  of  the  man 
who  till  then  had  been  the  greatest  Monarch  in  the  civilised 

The  great  procession  was  headed  by  a  band  of  trumpeters 
on  horseback,  who  passed  through  the  barriere  de  Pantin  at 
11  a.m.,  followed  by  the  red  Cossacks  of  the  Czar's  Guard, 
fifteen  abreast.  After  them  came  the  cuirassiers  and  hussars 
of  the  Prussian  Royal  Guard,  and  the  dragoons  and  hussars 
of  the  Russian  Imperial  Guard.  Then  appeared  the  Czar 
Alexander  himself,  with  the  King  of  Prussia  on  his  left,  and 
Prince  Schwartzenberg,  representing  Austria,  on  his  right. 
The  Emperor  Francis  had  preferred  not  to  take  personal 
part  in  the  celebration  of  the  downfall  of  his  son-in-law. 
Then  came  a  varied,  brilliant,  and  numerous  Staff,  of  perhaps 
a  thousand  mounted  officers,  representing  nearly  every 
nation  in  Europe.  Then  the  infantry,  Austrian,  Prussian, 
and  Russian  grenadiers  and  guards,  thirty  abreast.      Forty- 


seven  squadrons  of  Russian  cuirassiers  brought  up  the  rear. 
So  they  passed  through  the  faubourg  Saint-Martin  and  the 
Boulevard  des  ItaHens  to  the  Champs  filysees,  where  a  large 
camp  was  formed. 

The  Czar  was  riding  a  beautiful  dappled  grey,  given  him 
by  Caulaincourt  when  Ambassador  at  St.  Petersburg  on 
behalf  of  Napoleon,  at  that  time  in  the  height  of  his  power. 
His  choice  of  that  horse  meant  that,  as  man  to  man,  he  was 
still  a  personal  friend  to  Napoleon  ;  but  the  spectacular 
march  into  Paris  was  his  reply  to  the  Emperor's  entry  into 

The  Parisians  were  pleased  with  the  Czar's  handsome  and 
gracious  presence,  and  they  received  him  cordially.  They 
had  supposed  that  all  foreign  soldiers  were  ferocious  bar- 
barians, and  had  expected  rapine  and  murder,  until  the 
Czar's  declaration  that  he  took  Paris  under  his  protection 
became  known. 

The  greater  part  of  the  armies  of  Bliicher  and  Schwartzen- 
berg  remained  outside  Paris,  taking  up  positions  towards 
Fontainebleau.  The  troops  which  entered  the  city  were 
selected  corps  of  fine  men,  taller  than  the  French  were 
accustomed  to  behold,  in  brilliant  uniforms.  The  Parisians 
were  impressed  by  their  stature  and  magnificence,  and 
astonished  at  their  mild  manners.  Alexander  was  showing 
the  world  how  a  conquered  city  should  be  treated.  He  said 
he  hoped  that  he  had  no  enemy  in  Paris,  and  only  one  in 
France.  The  Bank  of  France,  the  museums  and  public 
monuments,  were  placed  under  the  protection  of  Guards  ; 
no  soldiers  were  quartered  upon  French  citizens  ;  there  was 
no  disarming  of  the  National  Guard,  or  of  the  gendarmes. 
Civilisation,  so  roughly  battered  by  Napoleon,  whose  treat- 
ment of  a  conquered  city  was  habitually  barbarous,  reap- 
peared in  the  example  of  the  Czar. 

Where,  in  the  meantime,  was  the  Emperor  of  the  French, 
and  what  had  become  of  the  Empress  Marie  Louise,  whom 
he  had  left  as  Regent  in  Paris  ? 


Before  leaving  for  the  army  to  make  his  last  desperate 
effort  to  drive  back  the  approaching  forces  of  Europe,  on  the 
23rd  January,  1814,  Napoleon  held  a  great  reception  of 
officers  of  the  National  Guard  at  the  Tuileries.  He  presented 
to  them  the  Empress  Marie  Louise  and  the  infant  King  of 
Rome,  not  yet  three  3'ears  of  ago.  With  that  dignity  and 
dramatic  instinct  which  he  could  always  command  on  such 
occasions.  Napoleon  took  Marie  Louise  by  one  hand  and  his 
son  by  the  other,  and  advanced  towards  the  assembled 
officers.  "  Gentlemen,"  he  said,  "  I  am  about  to  place  myself 
at  the  head  of  my  army,  and  I  hope  to  push  back  the  enemy 
across  the  frontier.  But  if  the  enemy  should  approach  the 
Capital,  I  confide  to  the  courage  of  the  National  Guard  the 
Empress  and  the  King  of  Rome — my  wife  and  my  son." 
Although  among  the  officers  present  there  were  a  number 
who  were  not  well  disposed  to  the  Imperial  Government,  all 
were  touched,  many  shed  tears, and  cries  of  '"''Vive  VEmpereur  " 
resounded  on  every  side.  Two  days  later,  on  the  25th 
January,  1814,  at  an  early  hour,  Napoleon  left  Paris  for  the 
army.    He  never  again  saw  either  his  wife  or  his  son. 

In  the  campaign  of  1814  Napoleon  showed  all  his  old  daring 
and  energy.  He  had  two  enemies,  Bl  cher  and  Schwartzen- 
berg,  and  he  rushed  from  one  to  the  other,  beating  each  back 
in  turn.  It  was  a  brilliant  exhibition  of  swiftness  and  auda- 
city, but  it  was  foredoomed  to  failure,  for  each  army  was 
stronger  than  his  own,  and  though  pushed  back  a  little  from 
time  to  time,  the  Allies  were  making  steady  progress  towards 
a  junction  outside  Paris.  In  the  hope  of  stopping  their 
approach,  Napoleon  at  last  marched  off  tov^'ards  the  Rhine, 
and  thus  cut  their  communications,  but  the  Allies  merely 
continued  to  approach  upon  Paris. 

When  he  heard  of  this  continued  advance  Napoleon  hurried 
back  with  all  possible  speed,  at  first  with  an  escort  of  cavalry, 
but  as  he  approached  Paris  and  the  news  he  received  was  ever 
more  and  more  alarming,  he  flung  himself  into  a  post-chaise, 
and  went  on  at  a  gallop,   with  Caulaincourt  at   his  side, 


followed  by  a  second  carriage  in  which  were  Generals  Drouot 
and  Flahaut,  and  a  third  containing  Marshal  Lefebvre  and  the 
orderly  officer  Colonel  Gourgaud. 

It  was  the  30th  March,  the  day  upon  which  the  Allies  attacked 
Paris.  By  11  p.m.  Napoleon  had  reached  the  post-station  of 
Fromenteau,  about  twelve  miles  from  Paris.  Devoured 
with  feverish  anxiety,  he  was  marching  forward  on  foot 
while  the  horses  were  being  changed,  when  a  troop  of  cavalry 
was  encountered.  Their  chief,  Belliard,  dismounted,  and 
was  dragged  on  by  the  Emperor,  who  was  still  walking 
furiously  in  the  direction  of  Paris.  He  assailed  Belliard 
with  question  after  question,  giving  him  no  time  to 
reply :  "  Where  is  the  army  ?  Where  is  the  Empress, 
the  King  of  Rome,  Joseph  ?  Who  commands  at  Paris  ?  " 
On  hearing  that  Paris  had  capitulated  that  evening  and 
would  be  entered  by  the  Allies  on  the  following  morning,  the 
Emperor  burst  into  a  torrent  of  invectives  against  all  con- 
cerned. But  he  did  not  cease  to  march  all  the  while  on  to 
Paris.  "  Wherever  I  am  not,  nothing  but  folly  is  committed. 
Caulaincourt,  make  the  carriage  come  on,  we  must  go  to 
Paris  at  once."  He  had  by  this  time  walked  nearly  two 
miles,  and  had  reached  a  point  whence  he  could  see  the 
bivouacs  of  the  enemy.  There  was  obvious  danger  of 
capture.  It  would  have  been  madness  to  proceed  further. 
He  had  to  stop.  Before  returning,  he  sent  Flahaut  to  gallop 
on  and  retract  the  capitulation  if  it  was  not  yet  actually 
signed  ;  and  he  sent  Caulaincourt  to  the  Czar  with  full 
power  to  conclude  a  peace  upon  any  terms.  Then  he  went 
back  to  the  post-inn  and  sat  over  his  maps.  "  I  have  them," 
he  exclaimed  after  a  while;  "God  delivers  them  into  my 
hands.  But  I  must  have  four  days  !  "  Then,  overcome  with 
fatigue,  he  fell  into  so  heavy  a  sleep  that  his  attendants  had 
great  difficulty  in  arousing  him  to  receive  the  message  that 
arrived  at  dawn,  from  Caulaincourt.  It  announced  that  the 
capitulation  had  been  signed,  and  the  Allies  were  preparing 
to  enter  Paris.    Soon  afterwards  came  Flahaut  with  a  letter 


from  Marmont  saying  that  since  the  departure  of  the  Era- 
press,  the  Parisians  had  been  indisposed  to  make  any  great 
effort  against  the  invaders.  Napoleon  retired,  in  sullen  de- 
spair, to  Fontainebleau. 

He  had  left  Marie  Louise  in  Paris  as  Regent,  with  a  Council, 
of  whom  the  most  important  members  were  his  brother 
Joseph,  Lieut.-General  of  the  Emperor,  with  Camba ceres, 
Clarke,  Montalivet,  Savary,  and  Talleyrand.  On  the  28th 
March  it  was  known  that  the  Allies  would  be  before  Paris 
in  two  days.  No  news  had  been  received  from  Napoleon  for 
five  days,  from  which  it  w^as  concluded  that  the  enemy 
stood  between  him  and  Paris.  What  was  to  be  done  with  the 
Empress  and  the  King  of  Rome  ? 

At  8.30  p.m.  the  Council  of  the  Regency  assembled,  under 
the  presidency  of  the  Empress  herself,  to  decide  whether  she 
should  remain  in  Paris.  With  the  exception  of  Joseph,  who 
did  not  vote,  and  Clarke,  who  was  in  Joseph's  confidence, 
the  Council  was  unanimous  in  the  opinion  that  the  Empress 
should  remain,  for  they  all  saw  that  if  she  went  the  Parisians 
would  consider  they  had  been  deserted  in  the  face  of  the 
enemy,  and  would,  in  their  turn,  abandon  the  Imperial  cause. 

Joseph,  however,  now  produced  and  read  out  a  letter 
that  Napoleon  had  written  him  on  the  16th  March ^  :— 

"  Rheims,  IGth  March,  1814. 
"  My  brother,  in  conformity  with  the  verbal  instructions 
that  I  have  given  you  and  with  the  spirit  of  all  my  letters, 
you  must  not  allow  that,  in  any  event,  the  Empress  and  the 
King  of  Rome  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  I  am  about 
to  make  a  manoeuvre  which  may  possibly  leave  you  for  some 
days  without  news  of  me.  If  the  enemy  should  advance 
upon  Paris  in  such  force  that  all  resistance  should  become 
impossible,  send  off  in  the  direction  of  the  Loire,  the  Regent, 
my  son,  the  grand  dignitaries,  the  ministers,  the  officials  of 
the  Senate,  the  presidents  of  the  Council  of  State,  the  grand 

*  Correspoudancej  No.  21497- 


officers  of  the  Crown,  the  Baron  de  la  Bouillerie,  and  the 
treasure.  Do  not  leave  my  son,  and  remember  that  I  would 
prefer  to  know  he  was  in  the  Seine  rather  than  in  the 
hands  of  the  enemies  of  France.  The  fate  of  Astyanax, 
prisoner  of  the  Greeks,  has  always  seemed  to  me  the  most 
unhappy  in  all  history. 

"  Napoleon." 

In  a  previous  letter,  of  the  8th  February,  which  Joseph  did 
not  think  it  necessary  to  show  to  the  Council,  Napoleon  had 
said  :  "If  Talleyrand  counts  for  anything  in  this  proposal 
to  leave  the  Empress  in  Paris  in  the  event  of  our  force 
evacuating  it,  that  is  a  treason  which  is  being  plotted.  .  .  . 
If  you  hear  of  a  lost  battle  and  have  news  of  my  death,  you 
will  have  the  information  before  my  ministers.  Send  off  the 
Empress  and  the  King  of  Rome  to  Rambouillet ;  give  orders 
to  the  Senate,  to  the  Council  of  State,  and  to  all  the  troops  to 
unite  upon  the  Loire  ;  leave  at  Paris  either  the  Prefect  or 
an  Imperial  Commissary,  or  a  Mayor.  I  should  prefer  that 
they  should  kill  my  son,  rather  than  see  him  brought  up  at 
Vienna  as  an  Austrian  Prince,  and  I  have  a  good  enough 
oi^inion  of  the  Empress  to  be  persuaded  that  she  is  also  of 
the  same  opinion,  so  far  as  a  woman  and  a  mother  can  be. 
I  have  never  seen  Andromache  represented  without  pitying 
the  fate  of  Astyanax  surviving  his  house,  and  that  I  have  not 
considered  it  a  happiness  for  him  not  to  have  survived  his 

The  letter  of  the  16th  March,  with  its  explicit  command 
and  its  reference  to  previous  instructions  in  the  same  sense, 
seemed  to  the  Covmcil  to  leave  them  no  alternative.  Against 
their  own  inclinations  and  fearful  of  the  effect  upon  opinion 
in  Paris,  they  felt  compelled  to  decide  that  the  Empress  and 
her  son  should  leave  Paris  on  the  following  morning,  for 

When  the  Council  broke  up  at  2  a.m.,  the  members, 
'  Correspoudance^  No.  21210. 


walking  out  together  through  the  corridors  of  the  Tuileries 
Palace,  expressed  to  each  other  their  dismay  at  what  they 
had  been  obliged  to  do  ;    and  on  parting  they  bade  adieu 
one  to  another,  in  the  tone  of  men  saying  farewell  to  the 
Government  they  represented.    Talleyrand,  going  out  with 
Savary,  said  to  him  :   "  Well,  that  is  the  end  of  it  all ;  is  not 
that  also  your  opinion  ?    Upon  my  word,  here  is  a  fine  game 
lost.    And  what  a  fall  in  the  view  of  history  !    To  give  one  s 
name  to  adventures  instead  of  giving  it  to  an  epoch  !    When 
I  think  of  that,  I  cannot  prevent  myself  from  giving  a  groan. 
What  would  the  Emperor  have  said  of  any  other  man  who 
had  allowed  himself  to  be  placed  in  his  position  ?  " 

The  departure  from  Paris  of  Napoleon's  wife  and  son  was 
fatal  to  the  dynasty.    It  was  undertaken  at  the  supposed 
command  of  Napoleon  ;    and  yet  it  was  not,  in  the  actual 
circumstances,  what  he  had  meant  or  desired.    The  terms  he 
used  in  the  letter  read  to  the  Council  were,  "  if  the  enemy 
should  advance  upon  Paris  in  such  force  that  all  resistance 
should  become  impossible."     Now,  resistance  was  still  pos- 
sible •    and  while  it  continued  there  was  always  the  chance 
that  Napoleon  might  be  able  to  come  to  the  rescue.    On  the 
other  hand,  without  Marie  Louise  and  the  King  of  Rome,  no 
spirited  defence  on  behalf  of  the  dynasty  would  be  made. 
The  letter  of  the  8th  February  says  that  the  Empress  is  to 
leave  Paris  "  in  the  event  of  our  forces  evacuating  it,"  or 
if  news  came  of  a  battle   lost   and   the   Emperor's   death. 
That  state  of  affairs  had  not  been  reached.     And  if  the 
Empress  left  Paris  Napoleon's  explicit  commands  were  that 
the  Council,  the  Senate,  the  chief  officers  of  the  Government 
were  to  leave  also.     Paris  was  to  contain  no  higher  official 
than  a  Commissarv,  Prefect,  or  Mayor.    This  was  not  done, 
the  result  being  that  when  the  Allies  entered  Pans  they 
obtained  control  of  the  Government.     Joseph  did  give  the 
order,  about  midday  of  the  30th  March,  but  it  was  then  too 
late  ;  and  as  he  himself  left  Paris  immediately,  without  seeing 
his  order  carried  out,  the   Capital  and  the  Government, 


abandoned  by  the  Imperial  Family,  gave  themselves  up 
without  reserve  to  the  invaders. 

This  would  not  have  happened  if,  instead  of  indulging  in 
melodramatic  allusions  to  classical  examples — for  it  was  the 
reference  to  Astyanax  that  remained  in  men's  minds — 
Napoleon  had  said  merely  that  the  Empress  was  not  to  desert 
Paris  till  the  last  moment,  and  then  was  to  take  the  whole 
Government  with  her. 

Joseph  had  for  some  time  past  recognised  that  the  Imperial 
cause  was  lost  beyond  recovery,  owing  to  the  proud  and 
obstinate  character  of  his  brother.  He  had  already  written 
to  Napoleon  several  letters  urging  the  absolute  necessity 
of  his  coming  to  terms  with  the  enemy.  "  Good  or  bad,"  he 
wrote,  "  peace  is  necessary  ;  in  the  actual  state  of  affairs 
it  would  inevitably  be  a  blessing."  ..."  Peace,"  he  wrote 
once  more,  "  would  not  be  dishonouring  to  France,  as  she 
would  not  have  lost  any  of  her  ancient  territory.  As  for  you, 
Sire,  you  would  become  the  father  of  the  people  if,  abandoning 
the  theatrical,  you  were  to  consent  at  last  to  supplant  the 
extraordinary  man  by  the  great  King."  This  recalls  the 
observation  of  Talleyrand  that  it  was  time  the  Emperor  of 
the  French  became  the  King  of  France.  Napoleon's  reply 
to  his  brother  had  been  to  order  a  meeting  of  the  Council  of 
Regency  to  consider  the  terms  of  peace  proposed  by  the 
Allies.  The  Council  met  and  decided,  without  hesitation 
and  by  a  unanimous  vote,  in  favour  of  accepting  the  proposals. 

While  transmitting  this  decision  to  Napoleon,  on  the  4th 
March,  Joseph  had  written  : — 

"  The  Council  Avas  united  in  thinking  that  the  necessity 
of  seeing  France  reduced  to  the  territory  she  had  in  1792 
should  be  accepted,  rather  than  have  the  Capital  exposed. 
The  occupation  of  the  Capital  is  regarded  as  the  end  of  the 
present  order  of  things  and  the  beginning  of  great  mis- 
fortunes. An  early  peace  on  any  terms  is  indispensable.  .  .  . 
You  will  remain  to  France,  and  France  will  remain  to  you 
the  same  as  she  was  when  she  astonished  Europe.    And  you 


who  saved  her  once,  will  save  her  a  second  time  by  signing 
a  peace  to-day,  and  saving  yourself  with  her.  .  .  .  Whether 
your  Majesty  has  obtained  a  victory  to-day  or  not,  it  is 
equally  necessary  to  think  of  peace,  that  is  the  sum  of  what 
everybody  is  thinking  and  saying  here." 

Napoleon's  reply  to  this  was  just  what  Joseph  had  expected 
and  feared.  It  was  the  mendacious  bulletin  exaggerating 
his  success  at  the  battle  of  Craonne. 

Joseph  had  described  his  brother  at  the  age  of  seventeen 
as  "  an  inhabitant  of  an  ideal  world,"  and  can  have  had  no 
illusions  as  to  the  ruin  that  was  impending,  or  its  cause  ; 
especially  when  Napoleon  wrote  that  if  an  address  in  favour 
of  peace  were  sent  to  him,  as  had  been  proposed,  he  would 
treat  it  as  a  rebellion,  and  cause  to  be  arrested  Joseph  and 
the  ministers,  and  the  other  chief  signatories. 

At  that  time  there  existed  a  very  general  feeling  through- 
out France,  and  to  some  extent  also  in  the  ranks  of  the  Allies, 
that  Napoleon  was  unconquerable,  that  his  genius  was  equal 
to  any  task,  however  seemingly  impossible.  This  idea  had 
taken  possession  of  Napoleon  himself,  who  added  to  it  a 
superstitious  belief  in  fate,  and  particularly  in  his  own  star. 
During  these  last  days,  when  it  had  at  last  become  plain 
even  to  the  most  credulous  that  the  end  was  near,  Napoleon 
still  assumed,  as  a  fact  beyond  discussion,  that  it  was 
ordained  by  fate  that  he  should  emerge  triumphant.  He 
never  faced  the  situation  ;  it  never  occurred  to  him  that  his 
career  could  really  be  ended  ;  he  supposed  that  no  combina- 
tion of  powers  could  possibly  produce  such  a  result,  the  mere 
thought  of  which  was  an  impiety.  The  general  vulgar  belief 
that  he  was  a  god,  an  instrument  of  destiny,  had  entered 
into  his  own  brain. 



HAVING  held  a  grand  review  of  the  AlHcd  troops 
in  the  Champs  filysces,  Alexander  retired  to  the 
house   of  Talleyrand,   where  a  consultation   was 
held,  at  which  the  chief  personages  present  were 
the  Czar,  the  King  of  Prussia,  Prince  Schwartzenberg,  and 

The  Czar  began  by  observing  that  there  were  three  alter- 
natives :  to  make  peace  with  Napoleon  ;  to  establish  the 
Empress  Marie  Louise  as  Regent  ;  to  recall  the  Bourbons. 
Talleyrand  then  spoke,  and  had  little  difficulty  in  convincing 
the  Allies  that  peace  with  Napoleon  would  be  only  tem- 
porary, for  Alexander  himself  had  frequently  asserted  that 
opinion  ;  that  the  Regency  of  the  Empress  would  merely 
mean  that  Napoleon  would  continue  to  reign  under  her  name  ; 
and  therefore  that  the  only  reasonable  policy  was  the  restora- 
tion of  Louis  XVIII.  The  Czar  remarked  that  there  was  no 
enthusiasm  for  the  Bourbons,  and  that  the  French  army  had 
shown  itself  loyal  to  its  chief,  the  Emperor.  Talleyrand 
replied  that  if  the  Senate  deposed  Napoleon,  the  soldiers, 
who  had  been  fighting  for  their  country  more  than  their 
leader,  would  follow  the  desire  of  the  nation.  Alexander 
agreed,  and,  to  encourage  the  Senate,  a  proclamation  was 
issued  and  signed  by  him,  in  the  following  terms  : — 

"  The  Allied  Sovereigns  support  the  wishes  of  France  ; 
they  will  not  treat  any  more  with  Napoleon  nor  with  any 
member  of  his  Family  ;   the  conditions  of  peace  will  be  im- 



proved  by  that  guarantee  ;  for  the  happiness  of  Europe  France 
must  remain  great  and  strong;  they  will  respect  her  in- 
tegrity as  it  existed  under  her  legitimate  Kings  ;  they  will 
recognise,  they  will  guarantee  the  Constitution  that  France 
may^'give  herself  ;  in  consequence,  they  invite  the  Senate  to 
designate  a  Provisional  Government  to  provide  for  the 
administration  and  to  prepare  the  Constitution  which  will 
best  suit  France." 

Next  day,  the  1st  of  April,  the  Senate  nominated  the 
members  of  the  Provisional  Government,  of  whom  Talleyrand 
was  the  chief  ;  and  the  General  Council  and  Municipal  Council 
of  Paris  agreed  to  the  issue  of  a  proclamation  which  said, 
"The  two  Councils  declare  that  they  formally  renounce 
all  obedience  towards  Napoleon  Bonaparte." 

On  the  2nd,  the  Senate  passed  a  unanimous  preliminary 
vote  in  favour  of  the  deposition  of  the  Emperor  and  his 
family.    On  the  same  day  the  Provisional  Government  issued 
a  proclamation  to  the  army,  in  which  occurred  the  words  : 
"  Soldiers,  you  are  no  longer  the  soldiers  of  Napoleon,  the 
Senate  and  the  whole  of  France  absolve  you  from  your  oaths." 
Napoleon  was  at  Fontainebleau,   gathering  together  his 
resources.    The  troops  from  Paris  and  Versailles,  the  corps 
of  Marmont  and  Mortier,  drew  in  towards  him,  and  on  the 
2nd  April  the  army  he  had  led  towards  the  Rhine  had  re- 
joined him.    On  that  day  Caulaincourt  returned  from  Paris, 
where  he  had  obtained  two  audiences  with  the  Czar.    To  his 
appeals  Alexander  had  replied  with  his  customary  declara- 
tion, "  Peace  with  Napoleon  would  be  no  more  than  a  truce," 
and  when  Caulaincourt  spoke  of  a  Regency  the  Czar  said, 
"  But  what  would  be  done  with  the  Emperor  ?    The  father 
is   an  invincible   obstacle  to   the   recognition   of   his   son." 
Alexander  said  that   if  Napoleon   would  abdicate  suitable 
provision  would  be  made  for  him  ;  he  would  be  welcomed  in 
Russia,  or  he  would  be  given  an  island— Corsica  or  Elba. 
Caulaincourt  continuing  to  argue  for  a  Regency,  Alexander 
concluded  the  interview,  urging  the  immediate  abdication 


of  the  Emperor  as  the  only  possible  basis  for  all  further 

It  was  the  existence  of  Napoleon  that  stood  in  the  way  of 
his  dynasty.  Nesselrode,  Alexander's  minister,  pointedly 
remarked  that  in  Russia  the  obstacle  would  soon  be  got  rid  of. 

Caulaincourt  had  an  interview  with  Schwartzenberg, 
from  whom  he  learned  that  Austria  also  was  definitely 
opposed  to  the  idea  of  a  Regency.  This  should  have  been 
enough,  but  Caulaincourt,  who  can  have  been  under  no 
illusions,  went  to  Napoleon  with  the  report  that  his  abdication 
and  departure  from  France  would  bring  about  a  Regency. 

Next  morning,  the  3rd  of  April,  Napoleon  held  a  review 
of  two  divisions  of  the  Guard  in  the  Cour  du  Cheval  Blanc  of 
the  Palace  of  Fontainebleau.  The  declaration  of  the  Allies 
that  they  would  not  treat  with  Napoleon,  would  not  affect 
the  troops,  but  the  deposition  of  the  Emperor  by  Paris,  the 
Senate,  and  the  Government,  was  a  serious  matter. 

Napoleon  went  amongst  the  men,  spoke  to  many  of 
them,  and  distributed  decorations  ;  he  was  testing 
their  fidelity.  Then,  in  the  centre  of  the  Court,  he 
summoned  the  officers  about  him,  and  delivered  the 
following  harangue  :  "  Officers,  under-officers,  and  soldiers 
of  my  Old  Guard  !  The  enemy  has  stolen  three  marches 
upon  us.  He  has  entered  Paris.  I  have  offered  the 
Emperor  Alexander  a  peace  bought  by  great  sacrifices, 
France  with  her  ancient  boundaries,  renouncing  conquests, 
losing  all  that  we  have  gained  since  the  Revolution.  Not 
only  has  he  refused,  he  has  done  more  :  at  the  perfidious 
suggestion  of  those  emigres  to  whom  I  have  accorded  their 
lives,  and  whom  I  have  loaded  with  benefits,  he  authorises 
them  to  wear  the  white  cockade,  and  soon  he  will  be  wanting 
to  substitute  it  in  preference  to  the  national  cockade.  In  a 
few  days  I  am  going  to  attack  Paris  ;  I  count  upon  you." 
He  had  been  received  in  silence  so  far,  and,  anxious  to  put 
the  matter  to  the  test,  he  said,  "  Am  I  right  ?  "  Instantly 
there  was  a  roar  of  shouts,  "  Vive  VEmpereur  !    A  Paris  !    A 


Paris !  "  Reassured,  Napoleon  went  on  :  "  We  will  show 
them  that  the  French  nation  is  mistress  of  herself,  that  as  we 
have  been  the  mistress  for  so  long  in  other  countries,  we  shall 
always  be  so  in  our  own,  and,  in  short,  that  we  are  capable 
of  defending  our  colours,  our  independence,  and  the  integrity 
of  our  territory."  The  conclusion  was  received  with  a  re- 
newed  burst  of   cheering.     Napoleon  could  rely  upon  his 


But  although  the  Guard,  and  many  of  the  officers  and 
soldiers  of  other  regiments,  might  retain  an  unquenchable 
fidelity  to  their  great  Captain,  the  Marshals  and  leading 
Generals  saw  plainly  that  the  cause  of  Napoleon  was  lost. 
It  was  known  that  Marmont's  allegiance  had  been  shaken, 
and  French  emissaries  were  sent  to  induce  him  to  betray  his 
master  and  benefactor.     They  represented  to  him  that  it 
would  be  a  patriotic  act  to  put  an  end  to  the  conflict,  which 
would  henceforth  be  merely  a  civil  war,  since  the  Senate  and 
the  Government  of  France  had  deposed  Napoleon.    Marmont 
was  convinced.    He  wrote  in  the  night  of  the  3rd  April  to 
Schwartzenberg  that  the  decree  of  the  Senate  had  destroyed 
the  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  Emperor,  and  that  to  prevent  civil 
war  he  was  prepared  "  to  quit  with  my  troops  the  army  of 
Napoleon,"   upon  certain  conditions,  which  he  formulated, 
with  regard  to  the  personal  safety  of  the  Emperor.    When 
Napoleon  heard  of  this  cruel  and,  whatever  the  motive, 
inexcusable  treachery,  he  was  dumbfounded  for  a  moment. 
Then  he  said  :    "  The  ungrateful  man  ;   he  will  suffer  for  it 

more  than  I." 

It  was  arranged  that  Marmont's  troops  should  be  brought 
within  the  lines  of  the  Allies  in  the  evening  of  the  4th  April. 
Before  the  Marshal's  treason  was  known  at  Fontainebleau 
a  more  decisive  event  had  occurred  there. 

At  the  morning  parade  in  the  great  court,  Napoleon  was 
received  with  acclamations.  Some  of  the  Marshals  then 
thought  it  time  to  interfere.  When  the  review  was  over 
Marshals   Ney,   Lefebvre,   and   Moncey,   who   were   joined 


afterwards  by  Macdonald  and  Oudinot,  followed  Napoleon 
into  his  room.  Ney,  as  their  spokesman,  bluntly  told  him 
that  his  abdication  was  necessary.  The  Marshals  and 
Generals  were  tired  of  war.  Napoleon's  system  of  appealing 
to  cupidity  as  the  chief  motive  of  men's  acts,  broke  down 
when  the  recipients  of  honours  and  comforts  had  obtained 
all  that  they  could  expect.  And  there  were  now  too  many 
great  dignitaries  for  the  shrunken  forces  at  disposal.  Ney, 
for  example,  had  command  of  no  more  than  a  brigade.  Even 
the  most  combative  man  must  shrink  from  the  prospect  of 
interminable  campaigns,  with  no  intervals  for  the  relaxations 
of  ordinary  life.  It  was  now  evident  that  Napoleon  would 
never  give  in  ;  that  he  would  continue  fighting  till  not  a  man 
was  left  alive  ;  that  they  were  to  be  the  wandering  Jews  of 
warfare  :  for  if  he  were  to  regain  his  position  the  whole 
career  of  conquest,  with  another  expedition  into  Russia, 
would  be  begun  over  again. 

Ney  therefore  told  Napoleon,  with  frankness,  that  his 
position  was  hopeless.  He  even  adverted  to  the  plots  for  his 
assassination  which  were  afloat.  Nesselrode's  sneer  had 
spurred  on  Talleyrand,  and  others,  to  provide  the  final 
guarantee  that  Napoleon  would  cease  to  disturb  Europe. 
The  Emperor's  life  was  threatened. 

In  reply,  he  spoke  of  the  forces  he  still  had  in  hand, 
and  explained  his  plans  for  defeating  the  Allies,  but  his 
remarks  were  received,  even  by  his  most  loyal  friends, 
Berthier,  Maret,  Caulaincourt,  Bertrand,  in  chilling  silence. 
With  any  other  man  something  might  have  been  done,  but 
all  knew  their  Emperor,  whose  pugnacious  obstinacy  passed 
the  bounds  of  reason.  He  was  like  a  headstrong  child,  with- 
out self-control,  and  it  was  their  task  to  bring  him  into  the 
path  of  sober  sense.  At  length  Napoleon  dismissed  them  all 
except  Caulaincourt,  and  then,  relying  upon  what  that 
courtier  told  him  of  the  Czar's  demeanour  and  intentions, 
he  wrote  out  a  conditional  abdication  in  favour  of  his  son  : — 

"  The  allied  Powers  having  proclaimed  that  the  Emperor 


Napoleon  was  the  only  obstacle  to  the  re-establishment  of 
peace  in  Europe,  the  Emperor  Napoleon,  faithful  to  his 
oath,  declares  that  he  is  ready  to  descend  from  the  throne, 
to  leave  France,  and  even  give  up  his  life,  for  the  welfare 
of  the  country,  inseparable  from  the  rights  of  his  son,  of  the 
Regency  of  the  Empress,  and  of  the  laws  of  the  Empire." 

This  declaration  he  gave  to  Caulaincourt  with  instructions 
to  take  it  to  the  Czar,  accompanied  by  Ney  and  Macdonald. 
They  were  to  acquaint  INIarmont,  whom  they  would  encounter 
on  their  way,  with  their  errand,  and  were  to  invite  him  to  join 
them.  When  they  reached  Marmont  and  showed  him  the 
signed  abdication,  that  Marshal  was  much  perturbed,  for  it 
seemed  that  Napoleon's  act  had  made  his  intended  treachery 
aimless.  He  went  with  them  to  Paris  and  in  a  personal  inter- 
view with  Schwartzenberg  withdrew  his  promise  to  bring 
over  his  troops  to  the  Allies.  But  in  his  absence  General 
Sauham,  whom  he  had  left  in  command,  took  the  troops 
into  the  lines  of  the  Allies,  in  the  night  of  the  4th  April. 

Napoleon's  emissaries  were  received  by  the  Czar  on  the  same 
evening.  Their  arguments,  with  the  abdication  in  their 
hands,  were  directed  to  the  establishment  of  a  Regency,  and 
the  withdrawal  of  Napoleon  from  France.  The  Czar  tempo- 
rised. He  was  waiting  for  news  of  the  movement  of  Mar- 
mont's  corps.  He  received  the  delegates  in  a  sympathetic 
manner,  and  allowed  it  to  appear  that  he  was  impressed 
by  their  pleading.  They  should  return  in  the  morning,  when 
he  would  have  had  the  opportunity  of  consulting  his  Allies .  He 
already  knew  that  they  would  not  accept  a  Regency.  In  the 
night  the  desired  information  arrived  of  the  loss  to  Napoleon 
of  Marmont's  force.  Consequently,  when  Caulaincourt,  Ney, 
and  Macdonald,  at  9  a.m.  on  the  5th  April,  were  received 
again  by  the  Czar,  who  had  now  the  King  of  Prussia  at  his 
side,  Alexander  was  in  a  position  to  observe  that  even  the 
soldiers  were  abandoning  Napoleon,  and  therefore  that  a 
Napoleonic  Regency  could  not  be  accepted.  The  uncondi- 
tional abdication  of  Napoleon  was  demanded.    He  would  be 


given  the  sovereignty  of  the  Island  of  Elba,  and  would  retain 
the  title  of  Emperor. 

It  was  not  the  defection  of  Marmont  which  put  an  end  to 
the  Regency  project.    The  Czar  could  not  ignore  the  opposi- 
tion of  his  Allies  and  of  the  French  Government ;  nor  would 
it  have  been  easy  to  repudiate  the  engagements  he  had  him- 
self already  made.     The  Regency  had  from  the  fi^'^t  been 
considered  and  rejected.     Marmont's  treason  weakened  the 
military  position  of  Napoleon,  and  it  had  a  depressmg  moral 
effect  upon  his  army.    The  Czar  knew  it  was  about  to  take 
place   when    Napoleon's    emissaries   were   appealing   tor    a 
Regency,  and  he  waited  until  it  was  accomplished  in  order 
to  justify  and  strengthen  his  refusal.     Marmont  s  treason 
merely  gave  the  Czar  an  additional  argument. 

When  the  plenipotentiaries  returned  to  Fontainebleau  with 
their  message  in  the  evening  of  the  5th  April,  Napoleon,  as 
before,  replied  to  them  by  speaking  of  his  military  prospects, 
of  the  order  he  had  given  for  the  movement  towards  the 
Loire  •  and  the  Marshals  reiterated  that  the  position  was 
hopeless  and  insisted  upon  the  unconditional  abdication. 
Napoleon  dismissed  them.  The  Marshals  then  took  a  further 
step  •  they  countermanded  Napoleon's  orders  for  the  march 
towards  the  Loire,  with  the  result  that  no  such  movement  was 

begun.  ,     ^T        r\   J-     4. 

On  the  6th  Napoleon  received  Marshals  Ney,  Oudinot 
Macdonald,  and  Lefebvre,  and  again  showed  how  he  could 
continue  the  conflict  against  the  Allies.  Their  reply  was 
that  if  he  succeeded  in  reaching  the  Loire  it  would  on  y 
mean  a  civil  war.  Thereupon  Napoleon,  with  the  remai-k, 
-  You  wish  for  repose  !  Well,  have  it  then  1 "  wrote  out  the 
final  act  of  abdication  :—  -,    .,    ^   .u     17^ 

''The  Allied  Powers  having  proclaimed  that  the  Ji.m- 
peror  Napoleon  was  the  only  obstacle  to  the  re-estabhsh- 
ment  of  peace  in  Europe,  the  Emperor  Napoleon  faithful 
to  his  oath,  declares  that  he  renounces  for  himself  and  his 
heirs  the  thrones  of  France  and  Italy,  because  there  is  no 


From  a  contemporary  engraving 


personal  sacrifice,  even  were  it  of  life  itself,  which  he  is  not 
ready  to  make  to  the  interest  of  France." 

Ney  went  off  in  triumph  with  this  document  to  Paris, 
accompanied  by  Caulaincourt.  The  Senate  on  the  same  day 
proclaimed  the  accession  of  Louis  XVIII.  When  these  fact's 
became  known  there  was  a  general  rush  of  office-seekers 
from  Fontainebleau  to  Paris.  Napoleon  was  left  with  his 
Guard  and  a  few  other  staunch  adherents. 

The  first  abdication  had  been  conditional  upon  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  Regency,  but  that  reservation  was  not  plainly 
stated  and  was  not  generally  understood.    Men  thought  they 
were   absolved    from   their   allegiance,    a    sentiment    which 
played  havoc  with  the  loyalty  of  the  army.    To  the  soldiers 
an  abdication  was  an  abdication.     Napoleon's  prestige,  his 
most  precious  possession,  had  been  gradually  falling  ever 
since  the  Russian  campaign,  and  he  was  openly  bfamed, 
here  and  there,  among  officers  and  men,  for  having  failed  to 
protect  the  capital.    The  Guard  remained  staunch,  and  there 
were  still  many  ardent  worshippers  in  every  corps,  but  there 
were  also,  now,   a  good   many  grumblers.     These  disloyal 
feelings  were  strengthened  by  the  abdication.     The  effect 
is  made  plain  by  the  following  entry  in  the  diarv  of  an  English 
detenu  :    "  5th  April.     The  Emperor  Napoleon  appeared  on 
the  Parade  ;  but  finding  a  marked  difference  on  the  part  not 
only  of  the  officers  but  even  the  troops,  he  retired  in  about 
ten  minutes  to  the  palace,  and  appeared  no  more  before  the 
army  as  their  master."     The  difference   between   the  en- 
thusiastic devotion  of  the  troops,  expecting  to  be  led  to  Paris, 
on  the  morning  of  the  4th  April,  and  their  coldness  on  the  5th,' 
was  the  direct  result  of  the  intervening  act  of  abdication. 

The  second,  unconditional,  abdication  was  forced  ;  it 
followed  almost  of  necessity  from  the  first,  which  had 
destroyed  the  loyalty  of  the  army.  Napoleon  regretted  the 
second  abdication  as  soon  as  it  was  made,  and  endeavoured 
to  have  it  withdrawn.  He  did  not  realise  that  it  was  the  first 
abdication  that  had  ruined  him. 


His  abdication  enabled  him  to  take  the  grand  line  of  self- 
sacrifice  for  the  sake  of  France.  He  was,  in  fact,  too  proud 
to  let  it  seem  that  he  was  willing  to  ask  France  to  fight  for  his 
personal  advantage.  He  wished  it  to  be  supposed  that  he 
cared  nothing  for  a  crown.  If  he  asked  for  the  title  of  Em- 
peror, it  was  merely  an  honourable  recognition  of  past 
services.  He  was  also  in  a  position  to  declare,  this  time 
with  truth,  that  he  had  adhered  to  his  determination  never 
to  make  a  humiliating  peace.  He  remarked  to  Bausset, 
"  J'abdique,  et  ne  cede  rien."  That  was  a  consistent  and 
manly  attitude,  which  stood  him  in  good  stead  when  he 
presented  himself  again  in  1815. 

At  this  time  Marie  Louise  was  at  Blois.  She  had  left 
Paris  on  the  29th  March,  in  accordance  with  the  fatal 
decision  of  the  Council  of  the  Regency.  The  little  King 
of  Rome,  as  if  conscious  of  the  terrible  consequences 
of  the  move,  declined  to  go  into  the  carriage  waiting  for  him. 
He  fought  and  struggled,  holding  on  to  banisters  and  door- 
handles, and  had  to  be  forcibly  carried  into  the  vehicle, 
kicking  and  shouting,  "  I  do  not  want  to  go.  Since  papa  is 
not  here,  I  am  the  master.  Do  not  go  to  Rambouillet.  It  is  a 
miserable  castle." 

Packing  had  been  going  on  through  the  night.  The  silver 
was  sent  off  in  wagons  early  in  the  morning  under  escort, 
with  the  private  treasure  of  Napoleon,  and  the  Crown 
treasure,  the  diamonds  belonging  to  Marie  Louise,  and  the 
Crown  diamonds.  With  the  Empress  went  the  whole  of  her 
very  extensive  wardrobe,  and  also  the  robes,  uniforms,  and 
linen  of  Napoleon.  The  procession  was  headed  by  ten 
berlines  de  ville,  painted  green  and  with  the  Imperial  arms 
upon  the  panels.  The  Empress  took  with  her  the  chief 
persons  of  her  suite,  of  whom  the  most  important  was  the 
Duchesse  de  Montebello,  her  lady-in-waiting.  After  the 
berlines  came  the  Coronation  coach,  covered  with  cloth  and 
filled  with  a  quantity  of  articles  thrown  in  at  the  last  moment  ; 
and  then   followed  a  large    number  of  wagons,   with   the 


personal  effects.  The  escort  was  1200  cavalry.  Although 
the  day  was  well  advanced  when  the  procession  started,  very 
few  persons  had  assembled,  and  they  made  no  sign  either  of 
relief  or  regret.  A  few  idle  spectators  watched  in  silence  the 
departure  of  the  Empire. 

Rambouillet  was  reached  in  the  afternoon,  and  the  next 
day,  the  30th  March,  they  were  at  Chartres,  where  they  were 
joined  at  night  ])y  Joseph  and  Jerome  with  their  Queens  and 
some  of  the  ministers. 

At  Vendome,  on  the  1st  April,  the  Empress  received  a 
letter  from  Napoleon,  which  he  had  sent  off  from  the  Cour-de- 
France  early  in  the  morning  of  the  31st,  with  orders  to  pro- 
ceed to  Blois,  nearer  to  Fontainebleau  than  Tours,  which  had 
at  first  been  their  destination.  On  the  2nd  April  the  Empress 
accordingly  reached  Blois,  where  she  was  received  in  the  same 
chilling  silence  that  she  had  experienced  on  leaving  Paris, 
and  also  at  every  stage  of  the  journey. 

At  Blois  were  now  collected,  besides  the  Empress  and  King 
of  Rome  and  their  suites,  Joseph,  Louis,  Jerome,  Madame 
Mere,  the  Arch-Chancellor  Cambaceres,  and  some  of  the 
Ministers  and  Councillors  of  State,  who  had  been  at  Tours. 
The  town  was  full  of  wagons  and  carriages,  with  the  Treasure, 
diamonds,  silver,  and  other  valuables  ;  and  the  various 
escorts  came  to  some  1800  cavalry. 

On  the  7th  April  Colonel  Galbois  arrived  from  Fontaine- 
bleau with  a  letter  from  Napoleon,  written  after  his  final 
abdication.  It  was  in  terms  of  the  most  profound  abasement  ; 
his  hour  had  come,  he  would  not  drag  down  Marie  Louise 
with  him  ;  she  should  find  her  protector  in  her  father  ;  and 
he  referred  to  the  possibility  of  his  death,  for  if  attempts  were 
made  upon  his  life  he  would  do  away  with  himself.^  Galbois 
says  that  Marie  Louise,  touched  by  the  terms  of  this  communi- 
cation, insisted  that  she  desired  at  once  to  go  to  Fontaine- 
bleau to  console  her  husband  in  his  agony  ;    and  that  he 

'  Fournier,  A,,  "Marie  Louise  et  la  chute  de  Napoleou,"  Revue  Ilis- 
torique,  Vol.  82,  1903,  p.  14. 


dissuaded  her  by  declaring  that  the  road  was  not  safe 
whereupon  she  abandoned  the  idea  and  gave  him  a  most 
affectionate  letter  for  Napoleon,  which  he  duly  delivered 

Marie  Louise  had  been  five  days  at  Blois,  receivmg  a  letter 
from  Napoleon  every  day.  In  none  of  them  had  he  expressed 
any  desire  for  her  society.  Now  he  told  her  to  rely  upon  her 
father,  and  not  upon  him,  and  the  messenger  who  had  last 
been  with  her  husband  put  difficulties  in  the  way  of  her 
joining  him.  She  had  an  escort  and  there  was  no  serious 
impediment  to  her  making  the  journey  in  safety  But  it 
was  at  least  doubtful  whether  the  Emperor  would  be  pleased 
to  see  her.  Not  unnaturally  she  wished  to  be  assured  that 
Napoleon  desired  her  presence.  If  he  had  wanted  her  and 
had  said  so,  she  could  and  would  have  jomed  him. 

One  of  the  greatest  of  Napoleon's  many  mistakes  was  his 
attitude  towards  his  wife  in  these  critical  days.    "  I  under- 
stand women,"  he  was  saying  to  Caulaincourt,  '' and  espe- 
cially my  wife  ;    to  offer  her  a  prison  instead  of  the  Court 
of  France  such  as  I  made  it,  would  be  a  very  great  trial. 
If  she  came  to  me  with  a  sad  and  bored  face,  it  would  make 
me  miserable.    I  prefer  solitude  to  the  spectacle  of  grief  and 
boredom.    If  she  were  inspired  to  come  to  me,  I  should  receive 
her  with  open  arms.     If  not,  let  her  remain  at  Parma  or 
Florence,  wherever  she  may  be  reigning.     I  should  only 
ask  for  my  son.     Csesar  may  return  to  the  condition  of  a 
citizen,  but  it  is  not  easy  for  his  wife  to  give  up  her  position 
as  the  consort  of  Csesar." 

He  did  not  perceive  that  at  Elba  the  presence  of  his  wife, 
an  Emperor's  daughter,  and  of  his  son,  an  Emperor's  grand- 
son would  have  helped  him  to  retain  his  Imperial  standing 
before  the  world.  A  pride  akin  to  madness,  a  morbid 
touchiness,  consummated  his  ruin.  He  would  not  present 
himself  as  a  fallen  man.  He  could  not  bear  the  thought  that 
at  Elba  his  wife  might  regret  Paris  and  Vienna. 

On  the  8th  April,  Good  Friday,  Joseph  and  Jerome 
endeavoured  to  persuade  the  Empress  to  go  with  them 


beyond  the  Loire.  They  said  that  at  Blois  she  would  become 
a  hostage  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  and  that  the  welfare 
of  the  State  and  of  her  family  required  her  removal  to  a 
place  of  safety.  She  declined,  saying  she  was  not  afraid  of 
either  the  Germans  or  the  Russians.  When  they  insisted, 
Jerome  in  particular  speaking  with  some  warmth,  JNIarie 
Louise  burst  into  tears,  and  summoned  her  household,  who 
rushed  in  tumultuously,  under  the  impression  that  physical 
compulsion  had  been  threatened. 

It  was  a  tactless  move  on  the  part  of  Napoleon's  brothers. 
The  distracted  woman  had  reflected,  since  her  first  com- 
passionate impulse  to  console  her  fallen  husband,  that,  as  he 
had  abdicated,  he  was  no  longer  in  a  position  to  confer  upon 
her  the  position  which  she  had  a  right  to  expect.  If  he  had 
been  of  royal  blood  it  would  have  been  different,  but  he  was 
in  fact  merely  a  lav.yer's  son  whom  she  had  married  on 
conditions  which  had  not  been  maintained.  The  Bonaparte 
brothers  by  their  efforts  at  domination  over  her,  had  succeeded 
in  emphasising  the  fact  that  the  whole  Corsican  brood  was 
not  of  her  class.  The  result  was  that  she  wrote  at  once  to 
her  father  begging  an  asylum  in  Austria.  "  All  I  hope,"  she 
said,  "  is  to  live  quietly,  no  matter  where,  in  your  dominions, 
so  that  I  may  bring  up  my  son." 

But  another  change  took  place  a  few  hours  later,  upon  the 
arrival  at  Blois  of  Count  Schouvaloff,  sent  by  the  Czar  to 
escort  the  Empress  to  Orleans,  and  thence  to  Fontainebleau. 
After  his  arrival  she  wrote  again  to  her  father,  telling  him 
that  the  Czar's  emissary  had  exposed  to  her  '*  the  situation 
in  which  the  Emperor  finds  himself  at  present.  I  leave 
to-morrow  for  Fontainebleau." 

It  has  been  customary  to  suppose  that  Schouvaloff's 
mission  was  to  prevent  Marie  Louise  from  going  to  Fontaine- 
bleau, and  to  obtain  control  over  her  movements.  Her  letter 
shows  that  it  was  precisely  the  opposite.  Bausset,  also,  says 
the  Empress  "  was  to  go  to  Orleans  and  thence  to  Fontaine- 
bleau."    That  version  is  confirmed  and  the  matter  placed 


beyond  doubt  by  the  letter  of  Stadion  to  IMetternich,  from 
Chatillon,  of  the  16th  April. ^  Writmg  at  the  command  of  the 
Emperor  Francis,  he  says  :  "  The  Emperor  has  just  learned, 
by  the  reports  of  Prince  Schwartzenberg,  that  General  Count 
Schouvaloff  has  been  sent  to  the  Archduchess  Marie  Louise 
at  Blois  to  conduct  her  to  Fontainebleau.  His  Majesty 
would  have  expected  that  the  Allies  would  not  take  any 
decision  with  regard  to  the  person  of  his  daughter  without 
letting  him  know  and  without  having  previously  concerted 
matters  with  him.  From  the  moment  that  the  Archduchess 
finds  herself  separated  from  her  husband,  it  is  to  her  august 
father  alone  that  she  is  bound,  and  it  is  he  also  that  can  and 
must  take  her  under  his  protection.  The  Emperor  demands 
that  his  daughter,  with  her  child,  should  be  sent  to  him,  so 
that  he  may  conduct  her,  in  a  manner  worthy  of  her  birth, 
to  his  dominions,  and  that  he  may  give  to  her  and  to  her  son 
a  suitable  establishment  until  the  time  when  her  future 
shall  be  definitely  determined.  The  Emperor  desires.  Prince, 
that  you  should  immediately  take  the  necessary  steps  in 
the  direction  indicated,  and  that  you  should  inform  him, 
without  the  least  delay,  and  in  detail,  of  the  measures  that 
you  shall  have  taken  to  return  the  Archduchess  into  his  care. 
His  Majesty  repairs  to-morrow  to  Troyes,  where  he  intends 
to  await  the  replies  from  Paris.  It  will  therefore  be  in  that 
direction  that  the  voyage  of  Her  Imperial  Majesty  should  be 

The  Emperor  Francis  was  determined  that  Marie  Louise 
and  her  son  should  live  under  his  control  in  his  dominions. 
The  Czar  Alexander,  with  the  consideration  for  the  feelings 
and  happiness  of  Napoleon  which  he  had  shown  throughout, 
had  endeavoured  to  bring  the  husband  and  wife  together. 
In  accordance  with  his  wish,  on  the  9th  April,  before  the 
objection  of  the  Emperor  Francis  could  take  effect,  Schouva- 
loff conducted  the  Empress  and  her  son  to  Orleans,  the  first 
stage  towards  Fontainebleau. 

^  Quoted  by  Fouruier^  op.  cit.,  p.  13,  from  the  archives  at  Vieuua. 


Before  their  departure  the  Ministers  and  Councillors  of 
State  and  other  functionaries  of  the  former  Imperial  Govern- 
ment, jostled  each  other  to  get  passports.  These  were  issued 
by  the  Mayor  of  Blois,  with  a  minute  description  of  their 
persons,  even  in  the  case  of  the  ex-Kings  of  Spain,  Holland, 
and  Westphalia,  of  Madame  Mere,  and  the  Due  de  Rovigo, 
Minister  of  Police.  To  protect  these  travellers,  recently  so 
powerful,  the  passports  were  countersigned  by  Schouvaloff, 
and  such  was  the  pressure  of  applicants  for  his  signature,  in 
his  room  at  the  inn,  that  he  had  to  restrain  the  most  impatient 
by  saying  that  he  was  signing  as  fast  as  possible  but  could 
not  do  it  all  at  once.  The  members  of  the  late  Government 
then  proceeded  to  pay  themselves  their  salaries  and  allow- 
ances, with  full  travelling  expenses,  out  of  the  Imperial 
Treasure  which  had  come  from  Paris.  Then,  with  passports 
in  one  hand  and  money  in  the  other,  the  various  functionaries 
rushed  off  to  Paris  to  try  to  get  posts  in  the  new  Govern- 

Then  the  Imperial  Family  started  for  Orleans  :  Schouva- 
loff, the  protector  ;  Marie  Louise,  the  King  of  Rome,  and 
their  suites,  with  their  cavalry  escort ;  Cardinal  Fesch  and 
Madame  Mere — "  It  is  not  yet  over,"  said  she,  "  we  Corsicans 
are  not  inexperienced  in  revolutions  "  ;  the  ex-Kings  Joseph 
and  Jerome — Louis  remaining  behind  at  Blois  absorbed  in 
his  religious  devotions  ;  and  finally  the  long  procession  of 
wagons  with  the  remainder  of  the  Treasure  and  the  Imperial 
valuables  of  all  sorts.  Orleans  was  reached  late  in  the 

At  Orleans,  in  the  night,  Meneval  received  a  letter  from 
Napoleon  in  which  he  said  that  it  had  been  arranged  with  the 
Emperor  of  Austria  that  the  Crown  should  go  to  the  King 
of  Rome  with  the  Empress  as  Regent,  and  therefore  that  the 
Empress  should  look  to  her  father  for  protection,  as  anything 
might  happen,  even  his  own  death.  Napoleon  must  have 
known  that  there  was  no  hope  from  Austria.  Metternich 
on  the  same  day  was  writing  a  letter  in  which  he  said  :  "  The 


Emperor  (Francis)  will  make  his  entry  into  Paris  with  the 
Count  d'Artois  ;  it  will  be  the  Emperor  of  Austria  who  will 
instal  the  Bourbons.''^ 

For  Marie  Louise  the  essence  of  Napoleon's  letter  was  that 
he  again  told  her  to  depend  upon  her  father.  She  was  now 
determined  not  to  go  to  Fontainebleau,  but  to  wait  at  Orleans 
for  news  from  her  father.  She  wrote  on  that  day  to  her 
father  :  "  The  Emperor  is  going  to  the  Island  of  Elba  ;  I  have 
explained  to  him  that  nothing  will  induce  me  to  leave  this 
place  before  I  have  seen  you  and  learned  from  you  what  you 
advise.    They  want  to  take  me  from  here  against  my  will." 

Schouvaloff,  in  accordance  with  his  instructions  from  the 
Czar,  and  supported  by  Joseph  and  Jerome,  was  still  en- 
deavouring to  persuade  Marie  Louise  to  go  to  Fontainebleau. 
She  defmitely  declined.  She  had  been  prepared  to  do  her 
duty.  It  would  not  have  been  agreeable  to  live  confined 
on  a  small  island,  with  the  mere  burlesque  of  a  sovereignty, 
in  the  society  of  a  fallen  man,  marriage  to  whom  had  been  a 
mesalliance  for  her  and  who  might  be  capable  of  telling  her 
that  it  had  been  one  of  the  principal  causes  of  his  downfall ; 
but,  if  her  son  was  provided  for  in  accordance  with  his  rank, 
she  would  have  consented  to  submit  to  a  miserable  fate. 
When,  however,  Napoleon  told  her  to  look  elsewhere  for  a 
protector,  it  would  have  been  strange  indeed  if  she  had 
insisted  upon  forcing  herself  upon  him. 

Neither  liis  mother,  nor  any  of  his  brothers,  Joseph, 
Louis,  Jerome,  who  were  all  at  Orleans  or  Blois,  a  few  hours' 
drive  from  Fontainebleau,  went  to  see  Napoleon.  This 
helps  to  excuse  Marie  Louise  at  this  time. 

On  the  11th  April  the  letter  from  Stadion,  already  cited, 
reached  Metternich,  who  acted  in  accordance  with  the 
instructions  it  contained.  Lie  obtained  the  sanction  of  the 
Czar  to  a  change  of  policy  in  the  direction  desired  by  the 
Emperor  Francis.    Orders  were  accordingly  sent  to  Sehou- 

1  As  it  turned  out  the  Count  d'Artois  arrived  in  Paris  on  the  12th  April, 
three  days  hefore  the  Emperor  Francis. 

r  o 

—  X  ^ 

ii  X  'S 

<  O  - 

O  5^  _- 

./■      < 

X      fcJ 

;<  "   -a 
X  2  I 


valoff  to  take  Marie  Louise  to  Rambouillet,  to  meet  her 
father  there.  At  5  p.m.,  on  the  12th  April,  these  instructions 
reached  Orleans.  At  8  p.m.  they  were  acted  upon.  Marie 
Louise  and  her  son  left  Orleans  with  Count  Schouvaloff  and 
an  escort  of  the  Guard,  soon  to  be  relieved  by  Cossacks,  in 
the  direction  of  Rambouillet,  and  away  from  Fontainebleau. 
With  them  went  the  last  flickering  hopes  of  the  Napoleonic 



THE  second  abdication,  though  written  in  his  own 
hand,  was  not  signed  by  Napoleon.  It  was  to  be 
deHvered  to  the  AlHes  on  the  understanding 
that  suitable  provision  would  be  made  for  the  fallen 
monarch.  Negotiations  were  at  once  entered  upon  between 
Caulaincourt,  supported  by  Ney  and  Macdonald,  on  behalf 
of  Napoleon,  and  the  Czar's  representative,  Nesselrode,  on 
behalf  of  the  Allies.  It  was  agreed  that  Na])oleon  should  be 
given  an  island  in  the  Mediterranean  and  an  allowance. 
Corfu,  Corsica,  and  Elba  were  suggested,  and  Elba  finally 

Many  thought  Elba  was  too  near  to  Italy,  and  even  to 
France,  but  Alexander  insisted  that  Napoleon  could  be 
trusted.  Talleyrand,  in  a  letter  of  the  7th  April,  1814, 
wrote  :  "  The  question  of  the  Island  of  Elba  arouses  dis- 
cussions. The  moral  condition  of  Italy  does  not  seem  to 
admit  of  such  an  establishment."  Sir  Charles  Stewart 
wrote  to  Lord  Bathurst  objecting  strongly  to  Elba  :  "It 
is  deeply  to  be  regretted  that  Lord  Castlereagh  was  not  at 
hand  to  counterbalance  by  his  moral  resolution  and  strong 
sagacity  the  imprudent  and  somewhat  theatrical  generosity 
of  the  Emperor  Alexander."  The  Czar  had  desired,  as  he 
said  himself,  "  to  give  an  illustrious  example  to  the  universe 
of  liberality  to  a  prostrate  enemy."  ^ 

^  Alison,  "Lives  of  Lord  Castlereagh  and  Sir  Charles  Stewart,"  Vol.  11, 
p.  459.     Yonge,  "  Life  of  Lord  Liverpool,"  p.  504. 



The  Emperor  Francis  wrote  to  Metternich,  on  the  12th 
April  :  "  The  important  thing  is  to  remove  Napoleon  from 
France,  and  God  grant  that  he  may  be  sent  very  far  away.  I 
do  not  approve  of  the  choice  of  the  Island  of  Elba  as  a 
residence  for  Napoleon  ;  they  take  it  from  Tuscany,  they 
dispose  of  what  belongs  to  my  family,  in  favour  of  foreigners. 
Besides,  Napoleon  remains  too  near  to  France  and  to  Europe. 
However,  if  the  thing  cannot  be  prevented,  we  must  try  to 
secure  that  Elba  revert  to  Tuscany  after  the  death  of 
Napoleon,  that  I  be  named  co-guardian  of  the  child  for  Parma, 
and  that,  in  case  of  the  death  of  my  daughter  and  the 
child,  the  estates  destined  for  them  be  not  reserved  for  the 
family  of  Napoleon." 

Napoleon  remarked  to  Caulaincourt  :  "  Austria  has  no 
bowels."  The  Emperor  Francis  was  so  mean  and  con- 
temptible as  to  grudge  his  son-in-law  even  the  small  and 
imimportant  Island  of  Elba.  The  Czar  had  it  officially  pro- 
claimed in  the  Moniteur  that  the  "  Allied  Powers  neither 
could  nor  would  forget  the  place  that  belongs  to  the  Emperor 
Napoleon  in  the  history  of  the  period."  But  the  Emperor 
Francis  could  think  only  of  the  petty  loss  to  his  family. 

On  the  10th  April  Lord  Castlereagh,  Secretary  of  State  for 
Foreign  Affairs,  arrived  in  Paris.  He  disapproved  of  all  the 
proposed  arrangements,  but  waived  his  objection  to  the  choice 
of  Elba  in  consideration  of  the  agreement  already  arrived  at. 
He  declined  to  agree  to  any  of  the  other  conditions,  and 
made  special  objection  to  the  recognition  of  the  Imperial 

The  treaty,  as  signed  on  the  11th  April  by  the  representa- 
tives of  Russia,  Prussia,  Austria,  and  Napoleon,  is  known  as 
the  Treaty  of  Fontainebleau,  and  was  in  the  following  terms  : — 

"  Articles  of  Treaty  l)etween  the  Allied  Powers  and  His 
Majesty  the  Emperor  Na})oleon. 

"  Article  1. — His  Majesty  the  Emperor  Napoleon  renounces 
for  himself,  his  successors  and  descendants,  as  well  as  for  all 


the  lucinbers  of  his  Family,  all  right  of  sovereignty  and 
dominion  as  well  over  the  French  Empire  and  the  Kingdom 
of  Italy,  as  over  every  other  Country. 

"  Article  2. — Their  Majesties  the  Emperor  Napoleon  and 
the  Empress  Marie  Louise  shall  retain  their  titles  and  rank, 
to  be  enjoyed  during  their  lives.  The  mother,  brother, 
sisters,  nephews,  and  nieces  of  the  Emperor  shall  also  retain, 
wherever  they  may  reside,  the  titles  of  Princes  of  his  Family. 

"  Article  3. — The  Island  of  Elba,  which  the  Emperor 
Napoleon  has  chosen  as  his  place  of  residence,  shall  form 
during  his  life  a  separate  principality,  which  he  shall  possess 
in  full  sovereignty  and  property.  The  Emperor  Napoleon 
shall  also  be  accorded  in  full  property  an  annual  revenue  of 
two  million  francs,  which  shall  be  carried  as  a  rent -charge 
upon  the  great  book  of  France,  of  which  sum  one  million 
shall  go  in  reversion  to  the  Empress. 

"  Article  4. — The  Duchies  of  Parma,  Placentia,  and 
Guastalla  shall  be  given  in  full  property  and  sovereignty  to 
Her  Majesty  the  Empress  Marie  Louise.  They  shall  pass  to 
her  son  and  his  descendants  in  the  direct  line.  The  Prince 
her  son  shall  take  henceforth  the  title  of  Prince  of  Parma, 
Placentia,  and  Guastalla. 

"  Article  5. — All  the  Powers  engage  to  employ  their  good 
offices  with  the  Barbary  States  to  cause  to  be  respected  the 
flag  of  the  Island  of  Elba,  and  for  that  purpose  the  relations 
of  those  States  shall  be  assimilated  to  those  of  France. 

"  Article  6. — There  shall  be  reserved  in  the  territories 
hereby  renounced  by  the  Emperor  Napoleon,  for  himself 
and  his  family,  domains,  or  rent-charges  upon  the  great  book 
of  France,  producing  an  annual  net  revenue,  free  of  all 
charges,  of  2,500,000  francs.  These  domains  or  rent-charges 
shall  belong  in  full  property,  and  to  dispose  of  as  they  may 
deem  fit,  to  the  Princes  and  Princesses  of  his  family,  and  shall 
be  divided  among  them  in  such  a  manner  that  the  revenue 


of  each  shall  be  in  the  following  proportion,  that  is  to  say  : 
To  Madame  Mere,  300,000  francs.  To  the  King  Joseph  and 
his  Queen,  500,000  francs.  To  the  King  Louis,  200,000 
francs.  To  the  Queen  Hortense  and  her  child,  400,000  francs. 
To  the  King  Jerome  and  his  Queen,  500,000  francs.  To  the 
Princess  Elisa,  300,000  francs.  To  the  Princess  Pauline, 
300,000  francs.  The  Princes  and  Princesses  of  the  family 
of  the  Emperor  will  also  keep  all  their  property,  movable 
and  immovable,  of  whatever  nature  it  may  be,  which  they 
possess  by  individual  and  particular  right,  and  especially 
the  rent-charges  which  they  all  equally  enjoy  upon  the  great 
book  of  France  or  the  Mount  Napoleon  of  Milan. 

"  Article  7. — The  annual  allowance  of  the  Empress 
Josephine  shall  be  reduced  to  a  million  in  domains  or  in 
inscriptions  upon  the  great  book  of  France.  She  will  continue 
to  enjoy  in  full  ownership  her  individual  property,  movable 
and  immovable,  with  power  to  dispose  of  it  in  conformity 
with  the  laws  of  France. 

"  Article  8. — There  shall  be  given  to  the  Prince  Eugene, 
Viceroy  of  Italy,  a  suitable  establishment  out  of  France. 

"  Article  9. — The  property  which  the  Emperor  Napoleon 
possesses  in  France,  whether  as  extraordinary  domain,  or  as 
private  domain,  shall  remain  with  the  Crown.  Upon  the 
funds  placed  by  the  Emperor,  whether  upon  the  great  book, 
or  upon  the  Bank  of  France,  or  upon  the  security  of  the 
forests,  or  in  any  other  manner,  and  which  H.M.  abandons 
to  the  Crown,  there  shall  be  reserved  a  capital  not  exceeding 
two  millions,  to  be  employed  in  gratifications  in  favour  of 
the  persons  whose  names  shall  be  placed  upon  a  list  which 
shall  be  signed  by  the  Emperor  Napoleon,  and  will  be  sent 
to  the  French  Government. 

"  Article  10. — All  the  diamonds  of  the  Crown  will  remain 
in  France. 

"Article  11. — The  Emperor  Napoleon  will  return  to  the 


Treasury  and  to  the  other  public  chests  all  the  moneys  and 
effects  which  may  have  been  taken  out  by  his  orders  with  the 
exception  of  the  Civil  List. 

"Article  12.— The  debts  of  the  household  of  H.M.  the 
Emperor  Napoleon,  as  they  were  on  the  day  of  the  signing 
of  the  present  treaty,  shall  be  immediately  discharged  out 
of  the  arrears  due  from  the  Public  Treasury  to  the  Civil  List, 
according  to  accounts  which  shall  be  signed  by  a  Commis- 
sioner nominated  for  that  purpose. 

"  Article  13. — The  obligations  of  the  Mount  Napoleon  of 
Milan  towards  their  creditors,  whether  French  or  Foreign, 
shall  be  redeemed,  and  no  alteration  shall  be  made  on  this 

"  Article  14. — All  the  necessary  passports  shall  be  given 
for  free  passage  for  H.M.  the  Emperor  Napoleon,  the  Empress, 
the  Princes,  Princesses,  and  all  persons  of  their  suites  who 
may  wish  to  accompany  them  or  to  establish  themselves 
outside  of  France,  as  also  for  the  passage  of  all  the  equipages, 
horses,  and  effects  that  belong  to  them.  The  Allied  Powers 
consequently  will  provide  officers  and  troops  or  escorts. 

*'  Article  15. — The  French  Imperial  Guard  will  furnish 
a  detachment  of  tAvelve  hundred  to  fifteen  hundred  men 
of  all  arms  to  serve  as  escort  to  the  Emperor  Napoleon  as  far 
as  St.  Tropez,  the  place  of  his  embarkation. 

"  Article  16. — There  will  be  provided  an  armed  corvette 
and  the  necessary  ships  to  transport  H.M.  the  Emperor 
Napoleon  and  his  household  ;  and  the  corvette  will  remain 
the  full  property  of  H.M.  the  Emperor. 

"Article  17. — H.M.  the  Emperor  may  take  with  him  and 
retain  as  his  guard  four  hundred  men,  officers,  non-com- 
missioned officers,  and  privates. 

"  Article  18. — All  the  Frenchmen  who  may  follow  H.M.  the 
Emperor  Napoleon  and  his  family  will  be  obliged  to  return 


to  France  within  the  term  of  three  years  if  they  do  not  wish 
to  lose  their  quahty  as  Frenchmen,  unless  they  are  included 
in  the  employments  that  the  French  Government  reserves 
itself  the  right  to  accord  after  the  expiration  of  that  term. 

"  Article  19. — The  Polish  troops  of  all  arms  which  are  in  the 
French  service  shall  be  at  liberty  to  return  to  their  homes, 
retaining  their  arms  and  baggage  as  evidence  of  their 
honourable  services  ;  officers,  non-commissioned  officers,  and 
privates  shall  retain  their  decorations  which  have  been 
accorded  to  them  and  the  pensions  attached  to  such  decora- 

"  Article  20. — The  High  Allied  Powers  guarantee  the 
execution  of  all  the  articles  of  the  present  treaty  ;  they  under- 
take to  obtain  their  adoption  and  their  guarantee  by  France. 

"  Article  21. — The  present  treaty  shall  be  ratified  and  the 
ratification  exchanged  at  Paris  within  two  days. 

"  Done  at  Paris,  April  11th,  1814. 

The  Prince  de  Metternich. 

Austria-,  ^    „    ^  -,     r.     ,. 

t.  Comte  de  Stadion. 

■R  T«!«JTA    ] -^udre  Comte  de  Rasommouffsky. 

( Charles  Robert  de  Nesselrode. 
Prussia    Charles  Aug.  Baron  de  Hardenberg. 

Marshal  Ney. 


The  Provisional  Government  acceded  on  behalf  of  France, 
in  the  following  terms  :  "  The  Allied  Powers  having  concluded 
a  treaty  with  His  Majesty  the  Emperor  Napoleon,  and  that 
treaty  containing  dispositions  in  the  execution  of  which  the 
French  Government  is  in  a  position  to  take  a  part  and 
reciprocal  explanations  having  taken  place  on  this  point, 
the  Provisional  Government  of  France,  with  the  aim  of 
concurring  effectively  in  all  the  measures  which  have  been 
adopted,  makes  it  a  duty  to  declare  that  it  adheres  as  far  as 


need  be,  and  guarantees,  in  all  that  concerns  France,  the 
execution  of  the  stipulations  contained  in  that  treaty, 
which  has  been  signed  to-day  by  the  Plenipotentiaries  of  the 
High  Allied  Powers,  and  by  those  of  his  Majesty  the  Emperor 
"  Paris,  the  ll//i  April,  1814." 

Then  follow  the  signatures  of  the  members  of  the  Pro- 
visional Government,  headed  by  that  of  Talleyrand. 

That  the  Bourbon  Government  should  be  expressly  im- 
plicated, the  following  declaration  was  issued  by  Talleyrand 
on  the  31st  May,  the  day  after  the  date  of  the  Treaty  of 
Paris  :  "  The  undersigned,  the  Minister  Secretary  of  Slate 
for  Foreign  Affairs,  having  acquainted  the  King  with  the 
demand  which  their  Excellencies  the  Plenipotentiaries  of  the 
Allied  Courts  have  been  instructed  by  their  Sovereigns  to 
make  with  regard  to  the  treaty  of  the  11th  April,  to  which  the 
Provisional  Government  has  acceded,  it  has  pleased  His 
Majesty  to  authorise  him  to  declare  in  His  name  that  the 
clauses  of  the  treaty  with  which  France  is  charged  will  be 
faithfully  executed.  He  has,  in  consequence,  the  honour  to 
so  declare  by  these  presents  to  their  Excellencies. 

"  The  Prince  of  Benevento. 

"  Paris,  the  Blst  May,  1814." 

Castlereagh  wrote  to  Earl  Bat  hurst,  then  acting  Foreign 
Secretary  : — 

"  Paris,  Afril  ISth,  1814. 

"  I  should  have  wished  to  substitute  another  position  in 
lieu  of  Elba  for  the  seat  of  Napoleon's  retirement,  but  none 
having  the  quality  of  security,  on  which  he  insisted,  seemed 
disposable  to  which  equal  objections  did  not  occur,  and  I  did 
not  feel  that  I  could  encourage  the  alternative  which  M.  de 
Caulaincourt  assured  me  Bonaparte  repeatedly  mentioned, 
namely,  an  asylum  in  England." 

On  the  27th  April,  the  following  qualified  accession  to  the 

<  - 

H  o 

Z  ^ 

O  ''• 


treaty  was  issued  :  "  His  Royal  Highness,  the  Prince  Regent, 
having  full  knowledge  of  the  contents  of  the  said  treaty, 
accedes  to  the  same  in  the  name  and  on  behalf  of  His  Majesty, 
as  far  as  respects  the  stipulations  relative  to  the  possession 
in  sovereignty  of  the  Island  of  Elba,  and  also  of  the  Duchies 
of  Parma,  Placentia,  and  Guastalla.  But  His  Royal  Highness 
is  not  to  be  considered,  by  this  act  of  accession,  to  have 
become  a  party,  in  the  name  of  His  Majesty,  to  any  of  the 
other  provisions  and  stipulations  contained  therein." 

England,  through  Lord  Castlereagh,  had  from  the  first 
disapproved  of  the  choice  of  Elba,  but  had  agreed  to  submit 
to  the  wishes  of  the  Czar  on  that  point.  England  expressly 
repudiated  all  responsibility  for  any  of  the  other  conditions 
of  the  treaty,  and  Lord  Castlereagh  had  made  a  special 
reference  to  the  British  refusal  to  accord  the  title  of  Emperor. 

Napoleon,  for  his  part,  trusted  no  Power  but  England, 
and  made  repeated  efforts  to  obtain  "  an  asylum  in  England," 
the  only  country  which  offered  "  the  quality  of  security," 
that  is,  safety  from  assassination.  Castlereagh,  while  offi- 
cially declining  the  desired  permission,  was  not  disinclined 
to  consider  the  idea.  On  the  5th  May,  1814,  he  wrote  to 
Lord  Liverpool  :  "If  his  taste  for  an  asylum  in  England 
should  continue,  would  you  allow  him  to  reside  in  some 
distant  province  ?  It  would  obviate  much  alarm  on  the 
Continent."^  It  is  not  altogether  surprising  therefore  that 
Napoleon  should  have  believed  that  he  would  be  well  received 
in  England.  At  his  last  interview  with  IMacdonald  at  Fon- 
tainebleau  he  said  that  "  possibly  he  should  not  remain  long 
in  Elba,  but  visit  England,  and  study  the  great  and  liberal 
establishments  of  that  country."  He  spoke  of  the  project  to 
Campbell,  Schouvaloff,  Koller,  and  others  :  and  soon  after 
his  arrival  at  Elba,  he  said,  according  to  Colonel  Vincent, 
that  if  he  left  Elba  it  would  be  for  England. 

Those  who  thought  Elba  was  unsuitable  had  no  reasonable 
alternative  to  offer.  Napoleon  would  not  have  accepted  a 
^  Yonge,  "  Tlie  Life  of  Lord  Liverpool,"  p.  508, 


more  distant  place  of  exile.  Rather  than  submit  to 
be  sent  further  away  he  would  have  fought  on  in  despera- 
tion with  his  Guard  and  such  other  troops  as  he  could  collect. 
He  might  have  gained  some  successes,  with  tremendous  re- 
sults. In  any  case,  to  hunt  him  like  a  bandit  and  wear  him 
down  by  overwhelming  numbers,  wovild  have  been  horrible. 

The  Treaty  of  Fontainebleau  made  Napoleon  an  inde- 
pendent Sovereign,  or  Prince.  He  called  himself,  with  more 
right  than  humour,  "  Napoleon,  Emperor  and  King  of  the 
Island  of  Elba."  As  an  independent  monarch  he  was,  in 
theory,  entitled  to  complete  freedom  of  action.  There  was 
nothing  in  the  treaty  to  prevent  him  from  landing,  when  he 
chose,  on  the  coast  of  Italy,  or  even  of  France,  though  no 
brother  Sovereign  was  under  any  obligation  to  receive  him 
as  a  visitor.  Theoretically,  and  legally.  Napoleon  might  go 
where  he  pleased,  provided  he  obtained  a  passport  or  other 
permission  to  land  on  foreign  soil.  Practically,  however, 
it  was  well  understood  that  he  was  expected  to  remain 
quietly  on  his  island,  and  that  any  attempt  to  leave  it  would 
be  regarded  as  an  assault  upon  the  peace  of  Europe,  and  any 
monarch  who  received  the  perturbator  would  be  considered 
a  partner  in  the  attack.  What  would  be  the  situation  if 
Europe  declined,  or  neglected,  to  carry  out  her  part  of  the 
treaty,  had  not  been  considered. 

It  was  known  that  Talleyrand  regarded  the  treaty  as  a 
mere  dodge  for  removing  Napoleon  from  France.  Once 
that  was  accomplished  the  great  man  would  be  securely 
confined  in  some  safer  and  more  distant  prison. 

The  world  had  now  to  learn  that  Louis  XVIII  had  all 
Talleyrand's  contempt  for  treaties.  The  only  stipulations 
in  the  treaty  which  he  did  not  ignore  were  those  with  regard 
to  Elba  and  the  brig.  Every  single  one  of  the  other  clauses 
he  repudiated  entirely.  He  paid  no  money  to  Napoleon  or  to 
any  member  of  his  family,  and  when  the  Emperor  made  out 
a  list  of  the  persons  to  whom  he  wished  certain  gratifications 
to  be  paid,  in  accordance  with  Article  6,  no  notice  was  taken. 


On  the  other  hand,  the  Corsican  lawyer's  son  adhered  like 
a  gentleman  to  the  bargain  he  had  made.  Besides  the 
Crowns  of  France  and  Italy  and  the  rest  of  the  French  Empire, 
he  gave  up  :  the  Crown  jewels,  many  of  which  had  been 
bought  by  him  out  of  his  Civil  List  ;  the  private  estates 
which  he  had  also  bought  out  of  savings  from  his  Civil  List ; 
the  furniture  and  ornaments  of  the  Tuileries  and  other 
palaces,  which  had  been  swept  bare  by  the  Revolution,  and 
which  he  had  re-stocked  out  of  his  savings. 

Without  these  properties  the  French  Government  would 
have  been  put  to  great  expense  to  provide  what  was  necessary 
for  Louis  XVIII  and  the  Royal  Family.  Except  the  Crown 
jewels,  they  belonged  to  Napoleon  personally,  and  he 
exchanged  them  by  signed  contract,  for  Elba  and  certain 
annuities.  It  was  a  formal  bargain  on  a  matter  of  money, 
which  no  gentleman  would  think  of  repudiating.  Louis 
XVIII,  however,  was  not  ashamed  to  keep  what  Napoleon 
had  given  up,  and  decline  the  payment  he  had  solemnly 
promised  to  make  in  return. 

The  Provisional  Government  went  so  far  as  to  seize  the 
wagons  which  had  accompanied  Marie  Louise  to  Blois  and 
Orleans,  which  contained  Napoleon's  private  cash  savings. 
He  had  annually  put  by  a  large  sum  from  his  Civil  List.  In 
1813  and  1814  he  had  drawn  heavily  upon  this  reserve  for 
the  pay  of  his  soldiers,  but  a  sum  of  ten  to  twelve  million 
francs  remained,  and  it  was  expressly  reserved  to  Napoleon 
by  the  11th  Article  of  the  Treaty  of  Fontainebleau. 

The  Provisional  Government  sent  an  agent,  Dudon,  who 
arrived  at  Orleans  on  the  10th  April.  He  seized  and  for- 
warded to  Paris  these  savings  ;  the  Crown  Treasure,  with  the 
exception  of  six  million  francs  left  with  the  Empress  ;  the 
Crown  diamonds ;  the  diamonds  belonging  to  the  Empress ; 
the  silver,  worth  about  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand 
pounds  (the  Empress  had  to  borrow  from  the  Bishop  of 
Orleans  for  her  service) ;  Napoleon's  tobacco  -  boxes,  his 
usual    form    of    present,    worth    altogether    about    sixteen 


thousand   pounds  ;     Napoleon's   Imperial   robes,   uniforms 
and  other  clothing,  down  to  shirts  and  handkerchiefs. 

Meanwhile  the  great  soldier  was  passing  days  of  misery 
at  Fontainebleau.  It  was  supposed  that  he  would  put  an  end 
to  his  life.  Every  traveller  from  Fontainebleau  was  asked, 
"  Is  he  dead  ?  "  The  wish  was  father  to  the  thought.  The 
death  of  Napoleon  would  have  been  a  relief  to  the  world. 
He  knew  that  perfectly  well.  He  had  already,  when  at  the 
height  of  his  power,  said  that  on  his  death  a  sigh  of  relief 
would  go  round.  Napoleon  also  knew  that  his  death  at  that 
time  would  improve  the  prospects  of  his  son,  and  lighten  the 
terms  to  be  imposed  upon  France  by  her  conquerors.  When 
he  wrote  to  Marie  Louise,  and  to  Meneval,  that  his  death 
might  occur,  he  was  acknowledging  these  facts. 

His  dramatic  pose  at  this  time  much  impressed  those  about 
him  at  Fontainebleau.  "  For  some  days,"  writes  Fain,  his 
secretary,  "  he  seems  preoccupied  with  a  secret  design.  He 
becomes  animated  only  when  running  over  the  funereal  pages 
of  history.  The  subject  of  his  most  intimate  conversations 
is  always  the  voluntary  death  which  the  men  of  antiquity 
did  not  hesitate  to  give  themselves  in  a  similar  situation  to 
his  own."  This  is  characteristic  of  Napoleon's  histrionic 
spirit,  and  his  tendency  to  refer  to  classic  examples. 

Fain  says  that  he  was  informed  that  ever  since  the  retreat 
from  Moscow,  Napoleon  had  carried  on  his  person  a  small 
bag  containing  a  poison,  said  to  be  opium.  In  the  night  of 
12th-13th  April  the  valet  who  slept  outside  his  half -open 
door  was  awake,  and  he  saw  his  master  put  something  in  a 
glass  of  water,  drink  it,  and  go  to  bed.  Soon  afterwards 
Napoleon  complained  of  severe  internal  pain  and  sent  for  the 
resident  doctor,  Yvan.  Bertrand,  Caulaincourt,  and  Maret 
were  also  summoned,  and  arrived  promptly.  But  the  poison 
was  weak,  and  Napoleon  recovered,  after  a  profuse  perspira- 
tion. He  exclaimed,  "  God  does  not  wish  it."  Yvan  lost 
his  head,  rushed  out  of  the  palace,  jumped  on  to  a  horse, 
and  galloped  off  wildly  into  the  darkness.     He  explained 


afterwards  that  he  was  afraid  of  being  accused  of  poisoning 
the  Emperor.  Fain  conchides  with  this  remark  :  "  What 
happened  is  the  secret  of  the  interior.  In  any  case  on  the 
morning  of  the  13th  Napoleon  rises  and  dresses  as  usual." 
Fain  had  doubts  as  to  the  truth  of  the  story. 

Segur,  who  wrote  later,  says  the  valet  at  the  door  was 
Hubert,  and  that  those  who  entered  the  room  were  Turenne, 
Caulaincourt,  Bertrand,  Maret,  and  Yvan.  He  says  that 
both  Turenne  and  Yvan  afterAvards  spoke  to  him  of  the 
attempted  suicide.  Constant,  the  chief  valet,  in  his 
"  Memoirs,"  says  that  the  valet  in  attendance  was  Pelard  ; 
that  the  persons  summoned  to  the  bedroom  were  himself, 
Caulaincourt,  and  Yvan,  that  after  two  slight  bouts  of  sick- 
ness. Napoleon  took  a  cup  of  tea,  and  was  better,  and  that 
next  morning  he  was  quite  well.  Constant  saw  on  the  floor 
in  front  of  the  fire  the  remains  of  a  small  bag  which  Napoleon 
had  carried  about  him  ever  since  the  Spanish  campaign,  and 
which  contained  poison. 

Macdonald  had  an  interviev,-  with  Napoleon  on  the  13th, 
the  morning  after  the  sickness,  and  observed  only  that  the 
Emperor  looked  as  if  recovering  from  a  dream,  which  would 
be  natural  after  a  dose  of  opium. 

Napoleon  himself  afterwards  made  frequent  and  strong 
remarks  about  the  cowardice  of  suicide,  and  the  contempt 
he  felt  for  those  who  had  not  the  fortitude  to  live  through 
their  misfortunes.  He  said  it  required  more  courage  to  sur- 
vive the  first  throne  of  the  world,  than  to  kill  himself.  But 
such  opinions  would  not  prevent  a  man  from  putting  an  end 
to  his  life  in  a  moment  of  impulsive  despair  ;  and  at  St. 
Helena  he  admitted  the  truth  of  the  story. ^  He  was 
not  proud  of  it,  for  it  laid  him  open  to  the  charge  of  double 
cowardice,  of  inability  to  face  either  life  or  death. 

His  half-hearted  attempt  having  failed.  Napoleon  now 
determined  to  put  his  trust  in  time  and  the  possibilities  of 

^  Montholon,  "  Re'cits  de  la  captivite  de  TEmpereur  Napoleon  a  Sainte 
Helene,"  Vol.  II,  p.  418. 


the  future.  "  Only  the  dead  never  return,"  he  remarked 
significantly  to  Bausset. 

A  heavy  gloom  hung  over  the  palace  at  Fontainebleau. 
The  great  apartments  were  closed.  Napoleon  and  his  suite 
occupied  the  smaller  rooms  on  the  first  floor.  All  the 
Marshals  had  gone.  Berthier  had  obtained  Napoleon's 
permission  to  go  to  Paris  in  connection  with  some  affairs 
arising  from  his  duties  as  Major-General  of  the  army  of  the 
Emperor,  remarking  that  he  would  be  back  next  day.  "  He 
will  not  come  back,"  said  Napoleon  to  Maret ;  and  he  was 
right.  To  a  more  recent  friend,  Macdonald,  who  made  no 
protestations  of  eternal  loyalty,  the  Emperor  gave  the  sword 
which  Murad  Bey  had  carried  at  the  battle  of  Mount  Thabor. 
The  chief  valet.  Constant,  and  the  famous  mameluke  Roustam, 
went  off  without  saying  farewell,  each  with  such  booty  as  he 
had  been  able  to  lay  his  hands  on. 

A  small  handful  of  men  who  for  various  reasons,  not  in 
every  case  disinterested,  were  willing  to  make  the  journey 
to  Elba,  comprised  nearly  the  whole  of  his  following.  Two 
officers  who  stayed  to  the  end  were  afterwards  closely 
associated  with  the  Emperor.  They  were  Colonels  Gourgaud 
and  Montholon,  who  were  destined  to  make  the  journey  to 
St.  Helena. 



THE    Powers    appointed    Commissioners  to    escort 
Napoleon   to   his   new   domain.     General   Roller 
represented  Austria  ;  General  Schouvaloff ,  Russia  ; 
Count  Truchsess-Waldburg,  Prussia  ;  and  Colonel 
Neil  Campbell,  England. 

The  Austrian,  Russian,  and  Prussian  Commissioners  were 
instructed  to  give  Napoleon  the  Imperial  title,  and  all  the 
deference  due  to  it,  in  accordance  with  the  Treaty  of  Fontaine - 
bleau.  The  British  Commissioner  received  no  official 
information  as  to  the  treat}^  Lord  Castlereagh's  instruc- 
tions to  him  were  that  he  should  conduct  himself  "  with 
every  proper  respect  and  attention  to  Napoleon,  to  whose 
secure  asylum  in  the  Island  of  Elba  it  is  the  Avish  of  His 
Royal  Highness  the  Prince  Regent  to  afford  every  facility 
and  protection."^  The  Imperial  title  and  honours  are  im- 
pliedly excluded. 

Campbell  arrived  at  Fontainebleau  on  the  16th  April,  and 
in  the  evening  had  some  conversation  with  General  Bertrand, 
the  Grand  Marshal  of  the  Palace.  Bertrand  said  that  the 
Emperor,  "  which  title,"  says  Campbell,  "  appeared  to  be 
repeated  with  studied  formality,"  wished  to  travel  incognito, 
and  to  change  the  port  of  embarkation  from  St.  Tropez  to 
Piombino,  in  Tuscany,  just  opposite  to  Elba.  Kollcr  had 
already  been  approached  with  the  same  request,  and  had 
sent  his  A.D.C.,  Major  Clam,  to  the  Emperor  Francis  at 

^  Campbell,  ''Napoleon  at  Fontainebleau  and  Elba,"  p.  154. 


Raiiibouillet  for  an  answer.  Napoleon's  object  was  to  travel 
through  the  north  of  Italy,  and  so  draw  near  the  army  of 
Italy,  which  was  still  loyal  to  him,  but  the  Allies  would  not 
consent  to  any  such  change  of  route. 

Bertrand  asked  Campbell  to  go  with  them  as  far  as  Elba 
itself,  and  to  remain  there  at  least  until  affairs  were  settled ; 
and  he  was  visibly  relieved  when  Campbell  said  he  had 
instructions  to  do  this  if  desired. 

On  the  17th  Napoleon  received  the  Commissioners,  separ- 
ately. First  the  Russian,  Schouvaloff,  for  about  five  minutes, 
a  few  polite  questions  being  asked  about  the  Czar  Alexander. 
Then  the  Austrian,  Koller,  also  for  five  minutes,  to  whom 
Napoleon  expressed  his  indignation  at  the  presence  of  a 
Prussian  Commissioner  ;  they  might  as  well  have  sent  others 
from  Baden  or  Darmstadt.  Then  Campbell  was  summoned 
for  a  long  and  friendly  interview,  the  Prussian  being  sent 
for  last  and  dismissed  at  once  with  a  cold  bow  and  a  remark 
of  strong  objection  to  his  presence. 

Campbell  says  that  when  he  entered  Napoleon's  apartment  : 
"  I  saw  before  me  a  short  active-looking  man,  who  was 
rapidly  pacing  the  length  of  his  apartment,  like  some  wild 
animal  in  his  cell.  He  was  dressed  in  an  old  green  uniform 
with  gold  epaulets,  blue  pantaloons,  and  red  topboots, 
unshaven,  uncombed,  with  the  fallen  particles  of  snuff 
scattered  profusely  upon  his  upper  lip  and  breast.  Upon 
his  becoming  aware  of  my  presence  he  turned  quickly  towards 
me,  and  saluted  me  with  a  courteous  smile,  evidently  en- 
deavouring to  conceal  his  anxiety  and  agitation  by  an  assumed 
placidity  of  manner." 

Napoleon  paid  many  compliments  to  Wellington,  and  to 
the  British  Army,  and  said  :  "  Your  nation  is  the  greatest 
of  them  all.  I  esteem  it  more  than  all  the  others.  I  have 
been  your  greatest  enemy,  frankly  such,  but  I  am  so  no 
longer.  I  wished  also  to  raise  the  French  nation,  but 
my  plans  have  not  succeeded.  It  is  fate."  "Here,"  says 
Campbell,  "he  stopped  short,  seeming  greatly  affected,  and 





























the  tears  were  in  his  e^'es."  He  then  asked  to  be  allowed 
to  make  the  sea  voyage  on  a  British  man-of-war.  The 
British,  alone,  had  never  given  in  to  him,  and  it  was  to  their 
representative  that  he  now  turned  for  protection.  He  elosed 
the  interview  by  saying  :  "I  am  at  your  disposal.  I  am  your 
subject,  I  depend  entirely  on  you."^ 

On  the  18th,  Campbell  having  obtained  permission  from 
Castlereagh  to  make  use  of  a  British  man-of-war  for 
Napoleon's  voyage  to  Elba,  Napoleon  made  further  diffi- 
culties. He  wished  to  change  his  route,  which  had  been 
arranged  by  way  of  Auxerre,  Lyons,  Grenoble,  Gap,  and 
Digne,  to  the  road  of  Briare,  Lyons,  Valence,  Avignon,  on  the 
ground  that  his  Guard  had  already  marched  to  Briare,  and  that 
his  carriage  was  directed  there  from  Orleans,  and  that  the 
new  route  had  not  been  the  seat  of  war.  Caulaincourt,  who 
was  taking  his  leave  of  Napoleon,  was  directed  by  him  to 
deliver  this  message  to  the  Allied  Sovereigns  or  their  repre- 
sentatives in  Paris  ;  and  to  add  that  if  his  wishes  were  not 
deferred  to  Napoleon  would  throw  himself  into  the  arms  of 
the  English.  "  That  is  a  great  nation,"  he  repeated  once  more 
to  his  followers.  "  I  am  convinced  that  I  should  be  in  safety 
in  England,  and  would  be  treated  with  magnanimity." 
However,  permission  to  make  the  change  of  route  was 

Napoleon  then  proceeded  to  insist  that  before  starting 
he  should  be  given  a  copy  of  the  order  sent  by  the  French 
Government  to  the  Commandant  at  Elba,  with  regard  to  his 
reception.  This  accordingly  was  obtained  from  Paris  in  the 
course  of  the  day.    It  ran  as  follows  : — 

"  Paris,  the  18//?  April,  1814. 
"  I  am  sending  you,  Commandant,  an  order  according  to 
which  you  will  deliver  over  to  Napoleon  Bonaparte,  former 
Emperor  of  the  French,  the  Island  of  Elba,  when  he  dis- 
embarks on  the  island.    This  arrangement  is  in  conformity 
■  Campbell,  p.  157. 


with  the  intentions  of  the  AlHed  Powers,  and  nothing  must 
oppose  its  execution.  The  troops  which  are  in  the  Island  of 
Elba,  and  all  the  stores  belonging  to  France,  must  be  removed, 
and  an  act  must  be  drawn  up  declaring  the  delivery  of  the 
island  to  Napoleon. 

"  I  have  the  honour,  etc., 
"  The  Commissioner  to  the  Department  of  War, 

"  General  Count  Dupont." 

"  To  the  Commandant -in-Chief  of  the  Island  of  Elba. 

"  Paris,  18th  April,  1814. 

"  Monsieur,  brother  of  the  King,  Lieutenant-General  of 
the  Kingdom,  orders  the  Island  of  Elba  to  be  given  up  to 
Napoleon  Bonaparte,  former  Emperor  of  the  French,  on  his 
arrival  in  that  island. 

"  By  order  of  Monsieur,  Lieutenant-General  of  the 
Kingdom,  etc.  etc. 

"  The  Commissioner  to  the  Department  of  War, 

"  General  Count  Dupont." 

It  will  be  observed  that  within  seven  days  of  the  Treaty  of 
Fontainebleau  the  French  Government  had  repudiated  the 
clause  by  which  Napoleon  was  to  be  given  the  title  of 

19th  April.- — Napoleon  now  declared  that  he  would  not 
leave  Fontainebleau  unless  the  Powers  guaranteed  that 
the  guns  and  military  stores  would  be  left  for  his  use.  Major 
Clam  was  accordingly  sent  to  Paris  with  this  request,  but 
without  waiting  for  his  return  the  20th  April  was  definitely 
fixed  as  the  day  of  departure.  Napoleon  being  assured  by 
General  Koller  that  Clam  would  soon  catch  them  up  with  the 
required  instructions,  as,  in  fact,  he  did,  on  the  21st. 

20th  April. — At  ten  a.m.  the  carriages  were  drawn  up  in 
the  Court  of  Fontainebleau  Palace,  ready  for  the  journey, 


when  Napoleon  sent  for  General  Koller,  and  told  him  that  he 
had  decided  not  to  depart.  He  said  that  as  the  Allies  had 
not  remained  faithful  to  their  engagements,  he  was  entitled 
to  revoke  his  abdication,  which  had  always  been  only  con- 
ditional. On  Koller's  enquiry  in  what  respect  the  Allies  had 
broken  the  Treaty  of  Fontainebleau,  Napoleon  said  that  it 
had  been  agreed  that  the  Empress  was  to  go  with  him 
(alluding  to  Article  14,  which  promised  passports  for  his 
family).  Koller  replied  that  Marie  Louise  of  her  own  free 
will  had  decided  not  to  accompany  him. 

When  Koller  observed  that  peace  on  good  terms  might  have 
been  obtained  at  Prague  in  1813  Napoleon  was  silent  for  a 
moment ;  then  he  said  :  "  Well,  at  that  time,  I  lulled  myself 
with  dreams.^  Is  it  not  permitted  to  dream  sometimes  ? 
I  have  now  quite  recovered.  I  must  admit  that  I  was  mis- 
taken in  my  opinion  of  my  opponents  ;  I  thought  you  were 
still  the  men  I  had  known  on  earlier  occasions,  and  you  had 
changed,  to  your  advantage,  in  the  meantime." 

He  then  said  he  considered  Austria  to  be  in  a  dangerous 
position,  through  her  alliance  with  Russia  and  Prussia, 
whereas  France  was  her  natural  ally.  When  Koller  replied 
that  immediate  dangers  were  always  looked  at  more  closely 
than  distant  anxieties.  Napoleon  remarked  :  "I  esteem  you 
for  the  freedom  of  your  words  ;  if  you  speak  with  equal 
candour  to  your  Sovereign,  I  must  regard  you  as  a  priceless 
servant.    I  was  not  so  fortunate  as  to  possess  any  such." 

An  Adjutant  now  entered  to  announce  that  the  Grand 
Marshal  Bertrand  desired  him  to  observe  that  it  was  already 
eleven  o'clock,  to  which  Napoleon  sharply  replied  :  "  Since 
when  have  I  been  obliged  to  regulate  my  movements  accord- 
ing to  the  Grand  Marshal's  clock  ?  I  shall  depart  when  I 
please,  and  perhaps  not  at  all."     He  then  continued  the 

'  "  Ich  habe  micli  in  Traumen  gewlegt,"  reports  Koller.  Truchsess- 
Waldburg  and  Campbell  both  give  versions  of  what  passed  at  the  interview, 
from  what  Koller  told  them.  Campbell  makes  Napoleon  exclaim,  "  But  it 
is  all  like  a  dream." 


conversation,  speaking  with  emotion  of  the  cruel  separation 
from  his  wife  and  child — the  tears  rolling  down  his  cheeks.^ 

He  asked  Koller  what  he  should  do  if  he  was  not  welcomed 
at  Elba.  Koller  suggested  his  seeking  an  asylum  in  England. 
"  That  is  what  I  have  thought  also,  but  perhaps  the  English 
might  feel  some  hostility  towards  me."^  "Sire,"  replied 
Koller,  "as  you  have  never  made  war  in  that  country 
reconciliation  would  be  all  the  easier." 

Napoleon  then  sent  for  Campbell  and  asked  him  what  he 
thought  about  England  as  a  possible  refuge.  "  Sire,"^  said 
Campbell,  "  I  think  that  the  Sovereign  and  the  nation  would 
always  act  with  generosity  and  be  faithful  to  their  engage- 
ments." "  Yes,"  said  Napoleon,  "  I  am  sure  that  I  would 
not  be  refused  an  asylum  there." 

Napoleon  then  sent  for  the  Russian  Commissioner,  whom 
he  dismissed  almost  at  once,  and  he  was  equally  cold  and 
curt  to  the  Prussian,  who  came  last. 

Then  ensued  the  famous  farewell  to  the  Old  Guard. 
Napoleon  descended  the  stairs  into  the  great  court  of  the 
Palace,  where  the  carriages  and  two  ranks  of  the  Old  Guard 
had  been  waiting  all  the  morning.  He  sent  for  the  Com- 
missioners to  be  present,  assembled  the  officers  around  him, 
and  addressed  them  as  follows*  : — 

"  Officers,  non-commissioned  officers,  and  soldiers  of  the 
Old  Guard  !  I  bid  you  farewell.  For  twenty  years  I  have 
found  you  brave  and  faithful,  marching  in  the  path  of  glory. 
The  Allied  Powers  have  armed  all  Europe  against  us.  The 
enemy,  by  stealing  three  marches  upon  me,  entered  Paris. 
I  was  marching  to  drive  them  out.     They  would  not  have 

»  Campbell,  p.  101. 

2  Trnchsess-Waldbur^,  "  Napoleon  Buonaparte's  Reise/'  p.  16. 

•''  Thoug-li  Campbell  abstained  from  conferring  upon  Napoleon  tlie  title  of 
Emperor,  he  addressed  liim  as  a  Sovereign. 

■*  Campltell's  report,  wliicli  be  says  is, "  As  nearly  as  I  could  recollect  the 
words,  in  conjunction  witli  the  other  Connnissioners,"  is  here  relied  ujjon, 
with  some  slight  additions  from  Truchsess-W'aldburg  or  Koller.  The  Com- 
missioners had  agreed  to  supply  each  other  with  such  information  as  came 
their  waj',  and  discussed  with  each  other  on  the  journey  the  exact  phrases 
used  by  Napoleon.     Tliere  are  other  versions. 

>    E 


remained  three  days.  I  thank  you  for  the  noble  spirit  you 
showed  under  these  circumstances.  But  a  part  of  the  army 
abandoned  me  and  went  over  to  the  enemy.  From  that 
moment  a  prompt  dehverance  of  the  capital  had  become 
impossible.  I  might,  with  three-fourths  of  the  army  still 
faithful  to  me,  and  with  the  consent  and  support  of  the 
great  majority  of  the  population,  have  directed  myself 
upon  the  Loire,  or  upon  the  fortresses,  and  kept  up  the  war 
for  several  years.  But  foreign  and  civil  war  would  have 
devastated  our  beautiful  country,  and  at  the  cost  of  such 
sacrifices  and  ravages  could  we  hope  to  conquer  united 
Europe,  supported  by  the  influence  of  the  City  of  Paris, 
which  a  faction  had  succeeded  in  dominating  ? 

"  Under  these  circumstances  I  have  considered  only  the 
welfare  of  France.  I  hav^e  made  the  sacrifice  of  all  my  rights, 
and  am  ready  to  make  that  of  my  person,  for  all  my  life  has 
been  devoted  to  the  happiness  and  the  glory  of  France. 

"  Soldiers  !  serve  faithfully  your  new  Sovereign.  The 
sweetest  occupation  of  my  life  will  be  henceforth  to  make 
known  to  posterity  all  the  great  deeds  you  have  done,  and  my 
only  consolation  will  be  to  learn  what  France  will  be  doing 
for  the  glory  of  her  name. 

"  You  are  all  my  children.  I  cannot  embrace  you  all,  but 
I  shall  be  embracing  all  in  the  person  of  your  General.  Come, 
General."  (He  embraced  General  Petit,  and  kissed  him  on 
both  cheeks.)  "  Bring  me  the  eagles  which  have  served  us 
as  guides  through  so  many  perils  and  such  days  of  glory." 
He  silently  embraced  the  flag  for  fully  half  a  minute  ;  then, 
lifting  up  his  hand,  he  said  :  "  Farewell  !  My  good  wishes 
will  always  be  with  you  !    Keep  me  in  your  memory  !  " 

Napoleon  spoke  with  such  dignity  and  was  himself  so 
visibly  affected  that  nearly  all  about  him,  including  even 
the  foreign  Commissioners,  were  in  tears  ;  those  nearest 
kissed  his  hands,  his  coat,  any  piece  of  his  clothing.  Even 
Campbell  was  overcome  ;  when  he  had  recovered  he  said, 
"  That  was  indeed  a  most  moving  scene,  and  worthy  of  the 


great  man  who  created  it."  Even  now  after  a  hundred 
years  the  bare  recital  helps  us  to  understand  the  magic  and 
the  power  of  Napoleon. 

The  Guards  came  up  to  Koller,  whose  bearing  had  been 
most  sympathetic,  and  begged  him  to  watch  over  their 
beloved  Emperor  ;  they  would  be  for  ever  grateful.  Then  the 
carriages  drove  off. 

When  on  the  road  the  order  was  as  follows  : — 

A  dozen  Cavalry  of  the  Guard. 

A  carriage  containing  General  Drouot  and  other  officers. 

A  dormeuse  de  voyage,  with  Napoleon  and  Bert  rand. 

Fifty  Cavalry  of  the  Guard. 

The  carriage  of  General  Koller. 

The  carriage  of  General  Schouvaloff. 

The  carriage  of  Colonel  Campbell. 

The  carriage  of  Count  Truchsess-Waldburg. 

The  carriage  of  Schouvaloff's  Adjutant,  Olewieff. 

Eight  carriages  with  Napoleon's  household. 

The  fifteen  carriages  required  a  total  of  sixty  horses. 

During  the  first  two  days  of  the  journey,  as  long  as  his 
Guard  was  with  him,  Napoleon  was  received  with  cries  of 
"  Vive  VEmpereur  !  "  and  the  Commissioners  were  roundly 
abused.  How  far  all  this  was  genuine  is  not  sure,  for  the 
officers  of  the  Guard  always  went  ahead  and  prepared  the 
people  for  the  part  that  was  expected  of  them.  Campbell 
heard  the  soldiers  who  were  met  on  the  route  receiving  the 
order,  "  Criez  Vive  VEmpereur.'''' 

Passing  through  Nemours  and  Montargis,  they  reached 
Briare  at  8.30  p.m.,  and  stopped  there  the  night. 

At  Briare  they  found  the  companies  of  the  infantry  of  the 
Old  Guard  who  were  on  their  way  to  Elba.  They  left  Napoleon 
at  Briare,  marching  by  way  of  Auxerre  and  Mont  Cenis, 
to  take  ship  at  Savona.  They  had  with  them  a  quantity 
of  Napoleon's  baggage,  and  the  Imperial  state  coach,  which 
was  far  too  cumbersome  to  be  used  on  the  roads  of  Elba, 
but  Napoleon  wanted  all  his  Imperial  trappings  about  him. 


21st  April. — Napoleon  invited  Campbell  to  breakfast  with 
him,  and  was  as  usual  very  complimentary  to  him  and  his 
nation.  The  journey  was  continued  at  noon  and  Nevers 
reached  in  the  evening. 

So  far  Napoleon  had  been  in  fair  spirits,  and  had  even 
made  jokes  about  his  situation.  Truchsess-Waldburg  says 
that,  speaking  to  the  Commissioners,  "  He  very  candidly 
traced  the  different  steps  of  his  career  for  the  last  twenty-five 
years,  adding  that  in  balancing  the  account  he  was  not 
a  loser,  for  he  began  the  game  with  a  six-franc  piece  in  his 
pocket,  and  now  emerged  very  rich." 

In  the  early  part  of  the  journey  Napoleon  sent  for  the  Mayor 
or  Prefect  of  the  towns  through  which  he  passed,  and  enquired 
of  them,  as  if  he  were  still  Emperor,  as  to  the  condition  of  the 
people  ;  but  he  gave  that  up  when,  as  he  advanced  southward, 
the  officials,  one  after  the  other,  had  the  hardihood  to  tell 
him  that  the  miserable  state  of  the  country  was  due  to  the 
war  and  the  conscriptions. 

22nd  April. — A  start  was  made  at  6  a.m.  The  cavalry  of 
the  Guard  went  as  far  as  Villeneuve  and  then  turned  back. 
Napoleon  declined  the  Cossack  and  Austrian  escort  that 
was  waiting,  declaring  that  he  had  no  need  of  foreign  pro- 
tection. "To  go  through  France,"  he  said,  "  I  require 
neither  my  Guard  nor  the  protection  of  foreigners  ;  all  that 
I  require  is  a  British  representative  so  that  I  may  be  quite 
at  ease  as  to  the  voyage  in  the  Mediterranean." ^ 

He  was  undeceived  at  once.  At  Moulins,  where  dinner 
was  to  have  been  taken,  a  large  crowd  was  assembled  of 
persons  wearing  white  cockades  and  crying  "  Vive  le  RoiJ' 
Napoleon  hurried  on  and  did  not  halt  until,  after  midnight, 
Roanne  was  reached.  Here  a  detachment  of  Austrian  troops 
provided  the  necessary  shelter.  From  the  moment  the  Guard 
left  him  there  was  a  complete  change  in  the  reception  of 

At  Roanne  they  were  near  Pradines,  where  Cardinal 
1  "  L'ile  d'Elbe  et  les  Cent  Jours/'  Correspondauce,  Vol.  31,  p.  2. 


Fesch  and  his  half-sister,  Letizia,  the  mother  of  Napoleon, 
were  at  the  time  residing,  in  a  religious  house  founded  by 
Fesch.  Messages  passed  between  Napoleon  and  his  relations, 
but  no  meeting  took  place. 

23rd  April. — Napoleon  asked  Campbell  to  go  on  in  front 
and  give  orders  for  a  British  man-of-war  from  Marseilles  or 
Toulon  to  be  at  the  point  of  embarkation  for  his  use.  He 
said  plainly  that  he  feared  insult  on  a  French  ship.  Campbell 
accordingly  hurried  on. 

Leaving  Roanne  at  9  a.m.,  Napoleon  arrived  at  Lyons 
in  the  night  but  went  on  without  stopping.  A  considerable 
body  of  Austrian  troops  had  been  brought  into  the  town  ; 
some  of  them  were  kept  up  to  accord  Napoleon  his  Imperial 
honours.  There  were  also  a  few  cries  of  "  Vive  VEmpereur'' 
from  groups  of  French  citizens,  mingled  with  other  cries  of 
"  Vive  le  Roi  !  A  has  Napoleon  !  " 

24th  April. — About  midday  Campbell  met  Augereau, 
who  was  travelling  to  Paris,  having  left  his  soldiers  at  Valence. 
The  Due  de  Castiglione  was  not  too  pleased  to  hear  that  he 
was  about  to  encounter  his  former  comrade  and  master.  He 
had  but  recently  in  a  proclamation  to  his  troops,  of  the  ICth 
April,  described  Napoleon  as  "  a  man  who  after  sacrificing 
millions  of  victims  to  his  cruel  ambition,  had  not  the  heart  to 
die  like  a  soldier."  The  interview  promised  to  be  stormy, 
for  Augereau  told  Campbell  he  should  speak  his  mind  plainly. 
"  He  is  a  coward,  I  always  thought  so.  He  ought  to  have 
marched  up  to  the  cannon  and  thus  ended  his  existence." 
Soon  afterwards  the  meeting  took  place,  on  the  high  road. 
Having  both  alighted  from  their  carriages.  Napoleon  took 
off  his  hat.  Augereau  touched  his.  Napoleon  then  embraced 
Augereau.  They  walked  together  for  some  minutes,  followed 
by  their  attendants  at  a  respectful  distance.  The  conversa- 
tion was  not  overheard,  but  it  was  understood  that  it  was 
temperate  on  the  part  of  Napoleon  and  heated  on  that  of  the 
Marshal,  who  upbraided  the  Emperor  for  having  sacrificed 
the  welfare  of  France  to  his  insatiable  ambition.    Napoleon 

O      H 


brought  the  meeting  to  a  close  by  embracing  Augereau  once 
more  and  taking  off  his  hat,  to  which  the  only  response  was, 
as  before,  a  careless  touch  of  the  cap.  When  his  carriage  was 
passing  the  Commissioners  Augereau  saluted  them  with 
great  punctiliousness.  The  Marshal's  boorish  behaviour, 
loud  tone,  and  rough  gestures,  were  among  the  credentials 
that  had  brought  him  to  the  front  in  the  unkempt  period  of 
the  Revolution.  Napoleon's  superior  education  was  precisely 
what  had  raised  him  above  such  barbarians.  At  Valence, 
Augereau's  troops,  in  spite  of  the  Marshal's  proclamation, 
and  though  compelled  to  wear  the  white  cockade,  greeted 
the  Emperor  with  enthusiasm. 

At  6.30  p.m.  a  rest  was  taken  at  Montelimar  for  dinner. 
The  sub-prefect  gave  disquieting  news  as  to  the  reception 
that  awaited  the  fallen  man  further  on,  especially  at  Avignon. 
It  was  rumoured  that  the  Provisional  Government  had  sent 
agents  forward  to  incite  the  people  against  him.  The  Mau- 
breuil  revelations,  in  which  Talleyrand  was  afterwards 
implicated,  prove  that  this  had  actually  been  done. 

Some  of  Napoleon's  carriages  had  preceded  him,  and  had 
been  already  surrounded  by  an  angry  mob,  at  Avignon,  where 
the  grooms  had  found  it  necessary  to  adopt  the  white  cockade, 
and  to  shout  "  Vive  le  Roi  !  "  before  they  were  allowed  to 
continue  on  their  way.  A  messenger  was  therefore  sent  for- 
ward to  Avignon  to  collect  any  gendarmes  or  national  guards 
who  might  be  available. 

25th  April. — Going  on  again  through  the  night,  Napoleon 
found,  at  every  stopping-place,  the  houses  lighted  and  the 
populace  waiting  up,  to  greet  him  with  cries  of  "  yi  bas  le 
tijran !  A  has  Nicolas!  Vive  le  Roi!''  A  rumour  had 
got  about  that  his  baptismal  name  was  Nicholas.  At 
3  a.m.  he  passed  Orange,  and  even  at  that  hour  there  were 
people  about  waiting  to  insult  and  if  possible  maltreat  him. 
However,  they  hurried  on,  and  at  6  a.m.  arrived  outside 
Avignon.  The  inhabitants  had  congregated  by  the  post- 
horses  which  were  in  readiness.   When  the  Emperor's  carriage 



arrived  it  was  surrounded  by  a  mob,  stones  were  thrown, 
and  one  ruffian  aimed  a  blow  at  the  coachman  with  a 
sword.  Happily,  no  blood  was  shed,  the  improvised  escort 
proving  sufficient  to  keep  off  the  people  while  the  horses 
were  being  quickly  changed  ;  they  were  started  off  at  a 
gallop,  and  were  driven  round  the  outskirts  of  the  town. 

Worse  was  to  follow  at  Orgon,  reached  about  noon.  Just 
where  the  post-horses  were  waiting  a  gallows  had  been 
erected  and  an  effigy  of  Napoleon  hung  up,  blood  and  dirt 
upon  it,  with  a  paper  on  which  was  written  :  "  Tel  sera  tot  ou 
tard  le  sort  du  Tyran  "  ("  Such  will  be  sooner  or  later  the  fate 
of  the  Tyrant  ").  Napoleon,  pale  and  terrified,  tried  to  hide 
behind  Bertrand  in  a  corner  of  his  carriage.  The  Com- 
missioners, Roller,  Schouvaloff,  and  Truchsess-Waldburg, 
with  their  attendants,  and  Napoleon's  people,  placed  them- 
selves in  front  of  the  carriage.  Schouvaloff  harangued  the 
crowd,  telling  them  they  ought  to  be  ashamed  to  insult  the 
fallen.  Only  contempt  should  be  felt  for  a  man  who  had 
hoped  to  govern  the  world  and  was  now  in  need  of  their 
generosity.  It  was  unworthy  of  the  French  nation  to  take 
any  other  vengeance.  This  speech  had  some  effect,  and 
finally  the  crowd  was  induced  to  move  away  from  the  wheels 
of  the  carriage,  which  was  at  once  started  off  at  a  great  pace. 

About  a  mile  beyond  the  town  Napoleon  covered  himself 
up  with  a  plain  blue  overcoat,  and  put  on  a  common  round 
hat,  with  a  white  cockade.  Thus  disguised  as  a  courier  he 
rode  on  horseback  in  advance,  accompanied  by  one  of  the 
outriders.  When  his  carriage  arrived  at  the  next  stopping- 
place,  which  he  had  already  successfully  passed,  the  mob 
attempted  to  break  into  it,  and  Bertrand,  who  was  seated 
inside,  might  have  been  roughly  handled  if  the  Commissioners 
and  their  attendants  had  failed  to  keep  off  the  furious  people. 

The  Commissioners  overtook  Napoleon  at  Calade,  in  a 
miserable  little  inn  by  the  roadside,  where  they  found  him 
sitting  in  a  small  room,  his  head  supported  on  his  arms,  his 
face  bathed  in  tears.    On  his  arrival  the  landlady  had  asked 


him  whether  he  had  seen  Bonaparte,  to  which  he  repHed  in 
the  negative,  whereupon  she  burst  into  a  torrent  of  abuse  of 
him.  "  I  am  curious  to  see,"  she  said,  "  whether  he  will 
succeed  in  escaping  ;  I  think  the  people  will  murder  him, 
and  it  must  be  admitted  that  the  scoundrel  deserves  it." 
Napoleon  said  afterwards  that  the  woman  had  prophesied 
that  when  he  was  on  the  ship  he  would  be  thrown  into  the 
sea.i  He  appears  to  have  feared  the  French  ship  from  the 
very  first.  After  the  return  from  Elba  this  inn  was  pillaged 
by  the  soldiers,  and  the  landlady  had  to  leave  the  district. 

To  conceal  his  identity  Napoleon  wished  to  call  himself 
Colonel  Campbell,  but,  on  being  reminded  that  Campbell 
had  already  passed  that  way,  he  chose  the  name  of  Lord 
Burghersh,  who  had  originally  been  selected  to  act  as  British 
Commissioner,  but  had  declined  on  hearing  that  he  would 
have  to  remain  on  the  Island  of  Elba.  Napoleon  seemed  to 
believe  that  his  safety  depended  upon  the  British  name. 

"  Here,"  says  Truchsess-Waldburg,  "  we  dined,  but  as 
the  dinner  had  not  been  prepared  by  his  own  cooks,  Napoleon 
had  not  the  courage  to  partake  of  it,  for  fear  of  being  poisoned. 
He  felt  ashamed,  however,  at  seeing  us  all  eat,  both  with  good 
appetites  and  good  consciences,  and  therefore  helped  himself 
from  every  dish,  but  without  swallowing  the  least  morsel ; 
he  spat  everything  out  upon  his  plate  or  behind  his  chair. 
A  little  bread,  and  a  bottle  of  wine  taken  from  his  carriage, 
and  which  he  divided  with  us,  constituted  his  whole  repast. 
He  even  begged  us  to  look  around  and  see  if  we  could  not 
anywhere  discover  a  private  door  through  which  he  might 
slip  out,  or  if  the  window,  whose  shutters  upon  entering  he 
had  half-closed  at  the  bottom,  was  too  high  for  him  to  jump 
out  of  in  case  of  need.  On  examination  I  found  the  window 
on  the  outside  was  provided  with  an  iron  trellis-work,  and 
threw  him  into  evident  consternation  as  I  communicated  the 
discovery.  At  the  least  noise  he  started  up  in  terror  and 
changed  colour.    After  dinner  we  left  him  alone,  and,  as  we 

^  "  L'ile  d'Elbe  et  les  Cent  Jours,"  Correspondance,  Vol.  31,  p.  8. 


went  in  and  out,  found  him  frequently  weeping.  His  polite- 
ness towards  us  went  so  far  as  to  make  a  bowl  of  cold  punch 
for  us  ;  he  rolled  up  his  mantle  in  the  form  of  a  cushion  on  the 
sofa  and  pressingly  begged  General  Koller  to  repose  himself 
on  it,  since  he  must  be  fatigued  from  the  heat  of  the  day." 

This  account  is  corroborated  by  Koller,  who  in  his  report 
to  Metternich  says  :  "  It  would  be  tedious  to  describe  to  your 
Serene  Highness  the  strange  and  trying  hours  that  we 
passed  at  the  inn,  when  the  Emperor  was  overcome  with 
anxiety,  thought  of  nothing  but  the  means  to  be  adopted  for 
his  safety,  the  disguise  he  should  adopt,  etc."  Clam  wrote  : 
"  He  allowed  himself  to  be  completely  overmastered  by  his 
fears.  He  was  white  and  disfigured,  his  voice  was  broken, 
he  could  not  manage  to  appear  calm  even  before  the  domes- 
tics "  ;  and  so  on. 

26th  April. — After  much  discussion  new  disguises  were  at 
length  agreed  upon.  Napoleon  put  on  the  Austrian  uniform 
of  Koller,  the  Prussian  forage  cap  of  Truchsess-Waldburg,  and 
the  Russian  cloak  of  Schouvaloff.  The  Austrian  coat  used 
on  this  occasion  is  still  in  the  possession  of  the  Koller  family, 
and  has  never  been  worn  since  Napoleon  hid  under  it.  It 
is  of  the  traditional  light  blue  still  retained  in  the  Austrian 
army,  with  a  red  somewhat  brighter  than  that  of  to-day, 
heavy  gold  facings,  and  the  white  and  red  band  of  the  order 
of  Theresa.  For  further  mystification  Schouvaloff  s  Adjutant, 
Major  Olewieff,  was  put  forward  in  Napoleon's  discarded 
costume  of  courier,  to  impersonate  the  Emperor.  He  was 
disguised  as  Napoleon  in  disguise,  while  the  genuine  article 
was  hidden  under  an  incongruous  collection  of  allied  offerings.^ 

Soon  after  midnight  the  party  walked  to  the  carriages  in  an 
order  which  had  been  previously  arranged.  Drouot  led  ;  then 
came  the  Adjutant  in  the  Emperor's  place ;  Koller ; 
Napoleon,  in  a  costume  which  defied  analysis  ;  Schouvaloff ; 
and  finally  Truchsess-Waldburg.  These  complicated  sub- 
terfuges quite  mystified  the  waiting  mob.    They  allowed  the 

1  Truchsess-Waldburg,  40  ;  Helfert,  41,  63. 


Russian  Adjutant  to  seat  himself  unmolested  in  Napoleon's 
grand  equipage,  and  in  the  meantime  Napoleon  safely  reached 
the  Austrian  carriage,  where  he  sat  trembling,  in  the  shadow 
of  General  Roller.  He  insisted  that  the  servant  on  the  box 
should  smoke,  in  order  to  make  it  abundantly  plain  that  no 
Emperor  could  be  in  the  carriage.  With  the  same  object  he 
asked  Roller  to  sing,  and  when  the  Austrian  General  declared  he 
had  no  voice,  said  at  least  he  should  whistle  :  "And  with  this 
singular  music,"  says  Truchsess-Waldburg,  "  we  made  our 
entry  into  every  place  ;  whilst  the  Emperor,  fumigated  with 
the  incense  of  the  tobacco-pipe,  pressed  himself  into  the 
corner  of  the  carriage  and  pretended  to  be  fast  asleep.  In 
the  open  road  he  renewed  the  conversation." 

Passing  in  this  manner  through  Aix,  Saint  Maximin,  and 
other  small  towns,  greeted  everywhere,  no  matter  how  late 
the  hour,  with  cries  of  "  ^  has  le  tyran !  A  has  Nicolas ! 
Vive  Louis  XVIII !  "  but  without  the  offer  of  any  violence, 
they  reached  Luc  in  the  afternoon.  Here  they  found  two 
squadrons  of  Austrian  Hussars,  whom  Roller  ordered  to 
act  as  escort.    All  danger  was  now  over. 

To  General  Roller  Napoleon  afterwards  observed  :  "I 
have  shown  you  myself  quite  naked."  Campbell  says  :  "  It 
was  evident  during  his  stay  at  Fontainebleau  and  the  follow- 
ing journey,  that  he  entertained  great  apprehensions  of 
attacks  upon  his  life,  and  he  certainly  exhibited  more 
timidity  than  one  would  have  expected  from  a  man  of  his 

Napoleon  had  a  great  dread  of  the  mob.  He  had  seen  the 
canaille  at  their  terrible  work  in  the  streets  of  Paris  during  the 
Revolution.  The  prospect  of  being  torn  to  pieces  by  enraged 
savages  would  appal  the  bravest  soldier,  but  the  reputation 
of  Napoleon  would  stand  higher  if  he  had  been  able  to  show  a 
little  dignity  and  self-control.  His  refusal  to  touch  the 
food  which  others  were  contentedly  eating,  the  depths  of 
cowardly  collapse  to  which  he  sank,  made  a  very  bad  im- 

>  Campbell,  p.  200. 


pression  on  all  who  were  present.  Would  Caesar  or  Charle- 
magne, with  whom  he  had  compared  himself,  have  exhibited 
such  poltroonery  ?  Any  common  King,  Louis  XVI  for 
example,  would  have  put  him  to  shame. 

He  had  experienced  terrible  calamities,  and  was  naturally 
enough  prostrated.  But  when  he  had  recovered,  he  saw 
what  must  have  been  the  effect  upon  public  opinion.  He 
declared  that  the  Prussian  Commissioner's  pamphlet  describ- 
ing these  events,  which  was  published  in  the  spring  of  1815, 
had  done  him  more  harm  than  any  other  publication  ever 
issued  against  him.  Indeed,  there  is  reason  to  believe  that 
the  desire  to  recover  his  self-respect,  by  an  exhibition  of  that 
personal  courage  which,  at  least  amongst  soldiers  and  in  the 
early  part  of  his  career,  he  had  certainly  possessed,  was  not  the 
least  powerful  of  the  motives  that  led  him  to  return  from  Elba. 

At  Luc,  at  the  Chateau  de  Bouilledou,  Pauline  was  staying. 
Napoleon  went  at  once  to  visit  his  favourite  sister,  who  was 
horrified  to  see  him  in  his  strange  uniforms,  which  he  had 
not  yet  changed.  Pauline  was  in  poor  health  ;  though 
unable  to  travel  with  Napoleon  she  said  she  would  join  him 
at  Elba.    He  stopped  at  the  chateau  for  the  night. 

27th  April. — Napoleon  left  Luc  early,  escorted  by  the 
Austrian  Hussars,  once  more  in  his  own  carriage,  and  wearing 
his  own  clothes,  and  arrived  at  Frejus  at  10  a.m. 

Meanwhile  Campbell  had  reached  Marseilles  on  the  evening 
of  the  25th,  where  he  found  H.M.  frigate  Undaunted,  Captain 
Ussher.  Campbell  at  once  sent  him  his  instructions,  and  the 
Undaunted  sailed  next  morning  for  St.  Tropez,  where  the 
French  frigate  Dryade,  commanded  by  Comte  de  Montcabrie, 
awaited  Napoleon's  arrival.  Campbell  had  already  arrived 
at  Frejus,  and  had  sent  thence  to  St.  Tropez  informing  Ussher 
that  at  Napoleon's  request  the  place  of  embarkation  had 
been  changed  to  Frejus.  The  British  and  French  ships 
accordingly  sailed  for  Frejus,  but  Napoleon  told  de  Montcabrie 
that  he  intended  to  travel  on  the  British  ship.  The  Dryade 
accordingly  returned  to  Toulon. 


Napoleon's  disinclination  for  a  voyage  on  a  French  ship 
carrying  the  Bourbon  colours,  is  easy  to  understand  ;  and 
even  if  Montcabrie  had  hauled  down  the  white  flag,  as  he  said 
he  was  prepared  to  do,  the  Emperor  would  still  have  had 
grounds  for  considerable  apprehension  as  to  the  courtesy  of 
his  reception,  and  even  the  safety  of  his  person. 

Napoleon  invited  the  four  Commissioners  and  Captain 
Ussher  to  dine  with  him  at  the  inn.  He  was  once  more  the 
Emperor.  Koller  says  that  his  manner  was  now  so  Imperial 
that  they  almost  imagined  that  they  still  had  before  them 
the  ruler  of  Europe.  Clam  thought  this  arrogant  tone  was 
intended  to  drive  away  recollection  of  the  scenes  on  the 

28th  April. — Captain  Ussher,  who  was  sleeping  on  shore,  was 
awakened  in  the  early  morning  by  two  of  the  inhabitants 
who  begged  him  to  get  Napoleon  away  immediately,  as  they 
heard  that  the  soldiers  of  the  Army  of  Italy  were  entering 
France  and  declaring  their  devotion  to  the  Emperor.  It  had 
been  precisely  in  order  to  meet  these  enthusiastic  adherents 
that  Napoleon  had  at  Fontainebleau  endeavoured  to  obtain 
a  change  of  route  through  Italy  to  Piombino.  Ussher 
had  no  authority  over  Napoleon,  he  could  merely  threaten, 
as  he  did,  that  if  the  wind  were  to  change,  which  the  weather 
indications  led  him  to  expect  within  a  few  hours,  he  would 
have  to  put  out  to  sea  for  the  safety  of  the  ship,  leaving 
Napoleon  on  the  inhospitable  coast.  Under  this  pressure 
the  Emperor  consented  to  embark  that  day,  but  begged  a 
postponement  until  the  evening  on  account  of  a  sudden 
indisposition.  He  shrank  from  leaving  France  in  the  broad 
light  of  day. 

Before  embarking  Napoleon  wrote  again  to  Marie  Louise, 
and  took  the  opportunity  to  remark  that  Pauline  had 
expressed  her  determination  to  join  him  at  Elba,  when  her 
health  was  restored.  Bertrand  wrote  to  Meneval  expressing 
the  hope  that  the  Empress  would  divide  her  time  between 
Parma  and  Elba. 


Napoleon  also  wrote  to  the  Emperor  Francis  : — 

"  My  brother,  and  very  dear  father-in-law.  I  have  re- 
ceived Your  Majesty's  letter.  The  desire  of  the  Empress 
and  of  myself  is  to  be  reunited,  above  all  at  a  time  when 
fortune  has  been  pleased  to  make  us  feel  all  its  rigours. 
Your  Majesty  is  of  the  opinion  that  the  Empress  requires 
to  take  the  waters,  and  that  immediately  afterwards  she  will 
come  to  Italy.  This  is  for  me  a  pleasant  prospect,  and  I 
count  upon  it.  I  have  been  pleased  on  the  journey  with 
General  Roller  and  Major  Clam.  I  recommend  the  excellent 
Empress  and  my  son  to  Your  Majesty.  I  beg  Your  Majesty 
to  accept  all  the  feelings  of  esteem  and  of  high  consideration 
that  I  entertain  towards  him. 

"  At  Frejus,  28th  April,  1814. 

"  Napoleon." 

He  says  now  that  he  and  the  Empress  wish  to  be  together, 
but  there  i-s  no  actual  request  for  the  presence  of  his  wife 
at  Elba.  He  hopes  "  that  she  will  come  to  Italy  " — where 
perhaps  they  may  meet. 

In  the  evening  Ussher  came  for  him,  and  was  with  him 
in  his  room  at  the  inn,  when,  a  noise  being  heard  outside, 
the  Englishman  remarked  that  a  French  mob  was  the  worst 
of  all  mobs,  to  which  Napoleon  replied  :  "  Yes,  they  are  a 
fickle  people.    They  are  like  a  weathercock." 

The  doors  were  thrown  open,  and  the  Emperor  passed  down 
through  a  lane  of  people,  some  of  the  ladies  in  full  dress, 
and  all  bowed  respectfully.  He  went  straight  up  to  one  of 
the  prettiest  of  the  ladies,  asked  her  whether  she  was  married, 
then  how  many  children  she  had,  and  without  waiting  to  hear 
the  exact  number,  he  hurried  forward  to  his  carriage,  which 
went  off  at  a  great  pace  for  the  harbour  of  St.  Raphael.  It 
was  upon  the  same  shore  that  he  had  been  rapturously 
welcomed  as  the  saviour  of  France,  on  his  return  from 
Egypt  in  1799. 

<       5 


A  bright  moon  shone  on  the  assembled  crowd,  and  upon 
the  cavah-y  drawn  up  in  Hne  under  the  trees  ;  it  lighted  up 
Napoleon's  pale  features,  and  glittered  upon  the  beach, 
where  were  the  British  boats,  with  their  officers  and  sailors, 
prepared  to  carry  their  guest  safely  across  the  sea  to  his 
island  refuge. 



WHEN  the  barge  of  H.M.S.  UndauntedhsidYe&ched 
the  ship,  in  the  night  of  the  28th-29th  April, 
Captain  Ussher  hastened  up  the  side  to  receive 
Napoleon  on  the  quarter-deck.  As  he  stepped 
for  the  first  time  on  a  British  warship  he  was  given  a  royal 
salute  of  twenty-one  guns  ;  he  took  off  his  hat,  bowed  to  the 
officers  who  had  been  collected  to  receive  him,  and  then  went 
forward  to  the  forecastle,  where  he  remained  for  some  time 
talking  to  the  sailors,  some  of  whom  had  been  long  enough  on 
the  station  to  pick  up  a  little  French. 

There  had  been  some  discussion  as  to  the  salute.  Camp- 
bell's instructions  were  that  he  was  to  conduct  himself,  "  as 
far  as  circumstances  will  permit,  with  every  proper  respect 
and  attention  to  Napoleon."  He  and  Ussher  had  to  decide 
for  themselves  what  that  meant.  They  carefully  avoided, 
of  course,  all  use  of  the  term  "  Emperor."  They  also  declined 
to  uncover  in  the  presence  of  Napoleon,  but  Campbell,  at 
least,  addressed  him  as  "  Sire,"  which  was  inconsistent. 
They  attempted  to  avoid  decision  in  the  matter  of  the  royal 
salute  by  informing  Napoleon  that  "  it  was  not  customary  to 
salute  after  sunset,  in  the  hope,"  says  Campbell,  "  that  he 
would  dispense  with  the  compliment,  but  this  he  decidedly 
objected  to,  and  desired  General  Drouot  to  say  he  would 
postpone  the  embarkation  till  the  following  morning,  as,  on 
account  of  the  impression  it  would  make  on  the  inhabitants, 
he  particularly  wished  to  be  received  with  a  royal  salute. 



As  it  was  very  important  that  there  should  be  no  unnecessary 
delay  in  Napoleon's  reaching  his  new  sovereignty,  I  urged 
Captain  Ussher  strongly  to  waive  on  this  occasion  the  usual 
etiquette  ;  and  in  consequence  Napoleon  was  persuaded  to 
embark  on  the  day  originally  fixed,  and  was  received  with 
the  honours  he  so  much  valued."^ 

Lord  Castlereagh  recognised  Napoleon's  "  sovereignty  of 
the  Island  of  Elba."  Ussher  and  Campbell  were  therefore 
obliged  to  give  the  Sovereign  a  royal  salute,  which  was  re- 
peated when  Napoleon  took  possession  of  the  island.  These 
salutes  were  formal  recognitions  of  his  kingship,  and  to  be  con- 
sistent the  British  officers  should  have  bared  their  heads. 
Doubtless  they  would  have  been  instructed  to  do  so  if  the 
Sovereign  of  Elba  had  made  any  complaint  of  discourtesy. 
It  was  supposed  that  the  Congress  of  Vienna  would  deal 
with  the  subject  and  put  an  end  to  the  anomalies  of  the 

Neil  Campbell  was  the  son  of  Neil  Campbell  of  Duntroon, 
who  belonged  to  a  younger  branch  of  the  house  of  Argyll.  He 
entered  the  army  in  1797,  and  saw  service  in  the  West  Indies 
as  ensign  of  the  67th.  Returning  to  England,  he  published  a 
small  book  "  Instructions  for  Light  Infantry  and  Riflemen," 
which  was  for  some  time  the  standard  work.  From  1800  to 
1810  he  served  with  distinction  in  the  West  Indies  again. 
In  1811  he  was  in  the  Peninsula  as  Colonel  of  the  16th  Regi- 
ment of  Portuguese  Infantry,  and  took  his  regiment  to  the 
sieges  of  Ciudad  Rodrigo,  Badajos,  and  Burgos,  and  the  battle 
of  Salamanca. 

In  1813  Colonel  Campbell  was  placed  on  the  staff  of  Lord 
Cathcart  to  accompany  the  Russian  Army,  and  had  as  col- 
leagues, whose  duty  it  was  to  send  Lord  Cathcart  reports  as 
to  the  various  corps,  Colonel  Sir  Robert  Wilson  and  Colonel 
Hudson  Lowe. 

On  his  way  to  join  Lord  Cathcart,  Campbell  had  at 
Stockholm  several  interesting  discussions  with  Bernadotte, 

»  Campbell,  p.  199. 


the  Crown  Prince  of  Sweden,  and  he  was  also  received  with 
favour  by  Madame  de  Stael.  On  the  5th  April,  1813,  he 
arrived  at  Kalisch,  the  headquarters  of  the  Czar,  where  he 
met  Colonel  Hudson  Lowe.  At  Dresden  he  was  introduced  to 
the  Czar  and  the  King  of  Prussia.  Campbell  was  present, 
with  Sir  Robert  Wilson,  at  the  battles  of  Liitzen  and  Bautzen. 
He  wrote  of  the  allied  troops  :  "  The  Russians  have  the 
finest  materials  of  men  I  have  ever  seen,  but  ignorant  officers, 
a  great  want  of  arrangement,  and  much  of  the  Eastern  loose 
mode  of  baggage  and  folloAvers.  The  Prussians  are  perfect 
in  everything.  They  have  made  glorious  efforts,  and  I  trust 
they  will  not  be  deserted  now,  as  they  were  at  Tilsit." 

Campbell  was  sent  in  August  to  join  the  Russian  head- 
quarters at  the  siege  of  Danzig,  and  remained  on  that  tedious 
duty  till  the  fall  of  the  town  at  the  end  of  November.  He 
then  went  to  Berlin,  where  he  dined  with  the  Princess  of 
Orange,  and  spent  an  evening  at  the  house  of  the  Princess 
Louise,  sister  of  the  King  of  Prussia.  "  We  sat  round  a  large 
table  and  had  tea,  which  was  made  by  one  of  the  ladies  of 
the  household,  and  handed  about  by  one  of  the  servants, 
just  in  the  ssune  family  style  as  in  England.  After  this  a  large 
dish  of  omelette  was  placed  before  the  same  lady,  and  a 
plate  of  it,  with  a  spoon,  was  delivered  to  each.  Then  a  dish 
with  pudding  was  served  out  in  the  same  way.  No  cloth  was 
laid,  and  each  held  the  plate,  like  a  cup  of  tea,  in  the  hand. 
The  conversation  went  on  with  great  spirit,  for  the  Princess 
Louise  is  uncommonly  clever  and  lively.  The  ladies  were 
employed  in  picking  lint  from  old  linen  for  the  wounded. 
This  is  a  constant  occupation  in  all  families,  and  generally 
a  requisition  for  a  certain  quantity,  according  to  the  number 
in  the  families,  is  made  by  the  magistrates." 

Campbell  was  attached  to  the  allied  forces  on  their  march 
to  Paris  ;  at  one  time  he  was  with  the  Russians,  at  another 
with  the  Prussians.  Hudson  Lowe  was  throughout  with 
Bliicher.  Campbell  also  was  with  Bliicher  at  Brienne,  fought 
on  the  29th  January,  1814,  and  he  was  present  in  a  number  of 


subsequent  engagements  until,  on  March  25th,  at  the  battle 
of  Fere  Champenoise,  he  was  nearly  killed  by  Cossacks,  who 
took  him  for  a  French  officer.  A  lance  was  thrust  into  his 
back,  and  when  on  the  ground  he  received  a  severe  cut  on 
the  head,  and  would  have  been  killed  by  a  third  attack 
but  for  the  intervention  of  a  Russian  officer.  There  was 
little  quarter  given  on  either  side  in  the  campaign  of 

The  wounds  at  first  seemed  dangerous,  but  Campbell 
was  well  enough  to  be  able  to  move  to  Paris  on  the  9th  April. 
On  the  15th,  although  still  in  the  opinion  of  the  surgeon 
unfit  to  travel,  he  received  and  accepted  the  duty  of  accom- 
panying Napoleon  to  Elba. 

Campbell  was  summoned  on  his  return  from  the  island  in 
1815  to  a  private  interview  with  the  Prince  Regent,  who 
entirely  exonerated  him  from  all  blame  for  Napoleon's 

In  1826  Campbell,  now  a  Major-General,  was  appointed 
Governor  of  Sierra  Leone,  at  that  time  deservedly  known  as 
"  the  white  man's  grave."  He  went  with  alacrity,  declaring 
that  the  climate  was  as  good  as  that  of  the  West  Indies,  but  he 
was  dead  in  little  more  than  a  year,  on  the  14th  August,  1827. 

"  The  Times  "  said  of  him  that  he  was  a  most  intrepid 
and  zealous  officer,  and  a  gentleman  of  kind  and  excellent 
heart,  which  is  a  good  description  of  his  character. 

Thomas  Ussher,  born  in  Dublin  in  1779,  was  the  son 
of  the  Reverend  Henry  Ussher,  a  Senior  Fellow  of  Trinity 
College,  Dublin,  and  the  first  Astronomer  Royal  of  Ireland. 
He  entered  the  navy  as  midshipman,  at  the  age  of  twelve. 
In  1790,  in  a  boat  engagement,  he  was  severely  wounded 
and  taken  prisoner.  He  was  afterwards  in  many  fights,  and 
always  showed  zeal  and  spirit.  In  1808,  as  post-captain,  he 
was  entertained  at  a  public  dinner  at  Dublin  and  received  the 
freedom  of  the  city.  In  1813-4  he  was  in  command  of  the 
Undaunted,  frigate,  stationed  off  Toulon.  In  June,  1815,  he 
was  made  a  C,B.  ;  in  1831  he  was  kniohted.    A  Rcar-Admhal 


in  1846,  he  was  Commander-in-Chief  at  Queenstown  in  1847, 
and  died  in  1848. 

One  of  the  lieutenants  on  the  Undaunted  was  William 
Sidney  Smith,  a  nephew  of  Sir  Sidney. 

Another  lieutenant,  Hastings,  has  left  a  record  of  his 
impressions  in  a  letter,  some  extracts  from  which  are  now 
published  for  the  first  time^ : — 

"  This  mighty  enemy  of  England  prefer'd  trusting  himself 
in  the  hands  of  those  very  people  whom  he  had  so  often 
stigmatised  as  being  destitute  of  Honor  and  Principle,  to 
those  over  whom  he  had  reigned,  and  so  often  led  to  victory 
and  glory.  .  .  .  The  road  was  lined  with  Hussars,  and  a 
Square  was  formed  on  the  Beach  around  the  boat.  At 
I  past  8  he  embarked  in  the  utmost  silence,  which  was  only 
interrupted  by  a  trumpet  march.  The  sea  was  peaceably 
calm,  and  the  whole  scene  was  truly  impressive.  Deserted 
by  all  his  Generals  but  two  as  well  as  by  the  greater  part  of 
his  Domesticks  ;  and  ever  fearing  for  his  own  safety,  He 
throws  himself  on  board  a  Frigate  belonging  to  that  country, 
whose  most  deadly  enmity  he  justly  merited.  There,  he  is 
received  with  all  the  Honors  due  to  a  Sovereign  Prince  which 
(to  do  him  justice)  He  was  fully  alive  to  ;  as  He  observed, 
'  The  English  were  indeed  noble  and  generous  Enemies.'  It 
behoves  me  to  say  that  the  unbending  fortitude  with  which 
he  bears  the  reverse  of  circumstances  does  at  least  command 
respect,  and  could  we  divest  ourselves  of  the  Idea  that  the 
Murderer  of  a  D'Enghien,  a  Wright,  &c.  &c.  &c.,  stood 
before  us,  We  might  even  rise  into  admiration.  The  same 
night  we  weighed  and  made  sail.  During  a  passage  of  six 
days.  He  assumed  an  affability  which  certainly  did  not  appear 
natural  to  him.  His  height  is  5  feet  5  inches,  inclining  to 
fatness  which  makes  him  appear  inactive  and  unwieldy.  His 
eyes  are  grey,  extremely  penetrating  :  the  expression  of  his 
countenance  by  no  means  agreeable  ;  and  his  manners  far 
from  dignified  or  graceful." 

1  From  Mr.  Broadley's  collection  of  Napoleonic  MSS. 


The  following  persons  were  taken  on  the  Undaunted  with 
Napoleon  : — 

General  Roller,  Austrian  Commissioner. 

Major  Clam,  A.D.C. 

Colonel  Campbell,  British  Commissioner. 

General  Bertrand,  Grand  Marshal  of  the  Palace. 

General  Drouot,  A.D.C.  to  the  Emperor. 

Colonel  Jersmanowski,  in  command  of  the  Polish  Lancers. 

Chevalier  Peyrusse,  Treasurer  of  the  Crown. 

Chevalier  Fourreau  de  Beauregard,  physician. 

Chevalier  Deschamps,  First  Groom  of  the  Bedchamber. 

Chevalier  Baillon,  Second  Groom  of  the  Bedchamber. 

Gatti,  apothecary. 

Colin,  Controller  of  the  Household. 

Rathery,  Secretary  to  the  Grand  Marshal. 

There  were  twelve  other  officials  and  ten  domestics. 

Napoleon  slept  in  the  after-cabin,  which  was  given  up  to 
him  entirely.  He  took  his  coffee  very  early  and  was  some- 
times on  deck  by  seven.  Breakfast  was  served  at  ten  and 
dinner  at  six.  There  were  present  at  both  meals  with 
Napoleon,  Koller,  Campbell,  Clam,  Bertrand,  Drouot, 
Ussher,  and  the  officer  of  the  watch. 

Napoleon  throughout  the  voyage  was  in  good  spirits,  and 
his  suite,  who  had  never  known  him  save  as  the  monarch 
before  whom  all  men  grovelled,  or,  recently,  as  the  terrified 
fugitive,  were  surprised  at  the  cordiality  of  his  manner.  He 
suffered  no  inconvenience  from  the  movement  of  the  ship, 
and  declared  he  had  never  been  in  better  health. 

The  terrible  load  of  ever-increasing  anxiety  was  at  last 
removed.  Ever  since  the  ]\Ioscow  campaign  his  sufferings, 
the  laceration  of  his  sensitive  pride,  had  been  intense.  The 
mortifying  experiences  of  the  journey  through  France  were 
now  succeeded  by  the  repose  and  complete  security  on  the 
British  ship.  He  told  Campbell  that  he  had  not  felt  safe 
until  he  stepped  on  to  the  deck  of  the  Undaunted.  If  there 
was  still  some  doubt  as  to  the  reception  that  awaited  him  at 


Elba,  he  had  the  British  Commissioner  and  the  British  ship 
to  fall  back  upon.  At  the  worst  he  would  demand  an  asylum 
in  England.  Josephine  at  Malmaison  was  at  this  time  telling 
the  Duke  of  Northumberland  that  the  English  were  the  only 
people  generous  enough  to  speak  respectfully  of  the  fallen 

The  relief  on  finding  himself  in  safe  hands  was  so  great 
that  it  carried  Napoleon  to  the  verge  of  garrulity  and  in- 
discretion. He  surprised  everybody  by  his  appetite  for  small 
talk,  with  excursions  into  loose  gossip. 

At  table  most  of  his  conversation  was  with  Campbell,  who 
was  directed  to  translate  to  Ussher  what  had  been  said,  while 
the  Emperor  watched  the  two  Englishmen  with  marked 
interest.  He  spoke  much  of  his  relations  with  England. 
He  said  that  during  the  peace  of  Amiens  he  had  proposed  to 
Addington,  the  British  Prime  Minister,  to  enter  into  a  treaty 
of  commerce  by  which  each  country  would  have  bound  itself 
to  take  the  same  amount  of  goods  from  the  other,  so  that  if 
France  bought  so  many  millions  worth  of  English  goods, 
England  would  buy  the  same  quantity  of  French  goods.  He 
also  said  that  the  Americans  brought  France  their  tobacco 
and  cotton,  and  being  paid  for  it  in  specie,  then  went  to 
England  and  paid  for  English  manufactures  with  the  specie 
obtained  from  France.  To  prevent  this  injustice  to  France, 
he  refused  to  admit  American  tobacco  and  cotton  unless  the 
Americans  took  from  France  an  equivalent  in  French  produce. 

Napoleon's  ignorance  of  the  principles  of  commerce  and 
of  the  relations  between  coin  and  commodities  was  profound. 
If,  instead  of  poring  over  Plutarch's  "  Lives,"  Rollin's 
"Ancient  History,"  Marigny's  "  History  of  the  Arabs,"  and 
such  romantic  tales,  his  youthful  reading  had  been  Smith's 
"  Wealth  of  Nations,"  he  might  have  avoided  some  of  the 
mistakes  in  commercial  policy  which  proved  so  disastrous* 

Napoleon  also  said  that  he  still  believed  the  greater  part 
of  France  to  be  in  his  favour,  and  that  the  Bourbons  would 
make  themselves  intolerable  in  six  months  ;   and  he  allowed 


it  to  be  seen  that  he  had  not  abandoned  the  hope  of  a  return 
to  power  some  day.  Campbell  thought  he  revealed  more 
than  he  intended  of  his  expectations. 

He  was  speaking  to  Major  Clam  one  day  of  the  life  he 
intended  to  live  at  Elba,  how  he  would  renew  his  mathe- 
matical studies,  and  so  on  :  "  You  know  I  am  exceptional 
in  this,  that  I  am  fitted  for  an  active  and  a  sedentary  life." 
"  That,"  said  Clam,  "  is  because  Your  Majesty  has  a  great 
deal  of  imagination."  "  Yes,  indeed,"  replied  Napoleon,  "  I 
sometimes  have  far  too  much." 

The  voyage  at  first  was  rough,  with  strong  head  winds 
and  a  heavy  sea.  Shelter  was  sought  off  Calvi,  on  the  coast 
of  Corsica.  It  was  from  that  port  that  Letizia  Bonaparte 
and  her  children  had  sailed  for  France  on  the  11th  June,  1793. 
Being  of  the  French  party,  owing  to  the  children  having 
been  sent  to  France  for  their  education,  the  family  was  driven 
out  of  their  native  home  when  Paoli  and  Corsica  broke 
away  from  the  French  Revolution. 

During  the  bad  weather  Napoleon  was  constantly  on  deck, 
while  his  suite  were  unable  to  leave  their  cabins.  On  one 
occasion  when  the  ship  was  near  the  coast  he  proposed  to 
Roller  a  walk  on  the  shore  to  stretch  their  legs.  Roller 
declined,  whispering  to  Ussher  that  he  knew  him  too  well 
to  trust  him  on  such  a  trip.  While  not  exactly  a  prisoner. 
Napoleon  was  under  surveillance,  in  charge  of  the  Austrian 
and  English  conductors,  who  were  determined  not  to  let  him 
out  of  their  sight.  Nor  had  he  freedom  as  to  his  communica- 
tions, for  when  they  met  H.M.S.  Berwick  with  frigates  and 
transports  bound  for  Ajaccio,  his  correspondence  was 
taken  ashore  in  the  form  of  open  letters,  and  only  after  he 
had  given  a  solemn  assurance  that  they  did  not  refer  to  public 
affairs  but  were  of  a  strictly  private  nature. 

Napoleon  was  most  anxious  for  news,  and  a  small  Genoese 
ship  being  met,  her  captain  was  brought  on  deck,  and  sent 
to  converse  with  him.  At  the  conclusion  of  their  conversation 
the  Italian  sailor,  who  believed  he  had  been  speaking  to  the 


captain  of  the  man-of-war,  said  to  Ussher,  "  Your  captain 
is  the  most  extraordinary  man  I  ever  met ;  he  put  all  sorts 
of  questions  to  me,  and  without  giving  me  time  to  reply 
repeated  the  same  questions  to  me  rapidly  a  second  time." 
When  Napoleon  was  told  of  the  complaint  of  his  repeating 
questions,  he  said  that  it  was  the  only  way  to  get  at  the  truth 
from  such  fellows.  But  the  Emperor  had  acquired  the  habit, 
as  part  of  his  Imperial  equipment,  of  asking  questions  of 
the  greatest  men  of  the  day,  without  waiting  for  the  reply. 
In  the  determination  to  be  royal,  he  had  lost  touch  not  only 
with  "  these  fellows,"  but  with  mankind  itself. 

On  another  occasion,  when  they  met  a  fishing-boat  which 
would  not  come  alongside,  Napoleon  proposed  that  it  should 
be  fired  upon  to  compel  it  to  approach,  whereupon  Ussher 
remarked  that  such  action  would  denationalise  the  boat, 
according  to  the  Milan  decree  ;  at  which  Napoleon  laughed 
and  pinched  his  ear,  saying  :  "  Ah,  Capitaine  !  "  Koller 
said  to  Campbell,  aside,  that  he  was  so  much  accustomed 
to  seize  that  he  could  not  yet  abandon  his  old  tricks. 

When  they  were  off  the  Italian  coast,  the  weather  being 
clear,  they  had  a  fine  view  of  the  mountains.  Standing  on 
the  deck  and  leaning  on  Ussher's  arm.  Napoleon  gazed  at 
them  steadily  for  a  long  time.  Ussher  at  length  reminded 
him  that  he  had  passed  those  mountains  once  before  under 
very  different  circumstances,  alluding  to  the  first  Italian 
campaign,  in  1796,  to  which  Napoleon  replied  that  it  was  very 

During  the  voyage  he  was  very  inquisitive  on  all 
matters  connected  with  the  navigation  and  management  of  a 
ship.  He  asked  numerous  questions  and  occasionally  showed 
that  he  had  somehow  acquired  certain  scraps  of  knowledge 
on  the  subject ;  he  explained,  for  instance,  to  Koller,  "  and 
that  very  well,"  says  Ussher,  "  a  very  nice  point  of  seaman- 
ship, viz.  that  of  keeping  a  ship  clear  of  her  anchor  in  a  tide- 

He  spoke  of  his  plans  for  enabling  France  to  rival  England 


at  sea.  He  had  caused  the  Elbe  to  be  carefully  sounded 
and  found  that  great  naval  establishments  could  have  been 
made  near  Hamburg,  and  wood  easily  obtained  from  Poland. 
He  said  that  Antwerp  was  necessary  for  France,  and  that  he 
never  would  consent  to  give  it  up,  especially  as  he  had  sworn 
at  his  coronation  not  to  allow  France  to  be  diminished.  He 
said  that  he  had  intended  to  build  as  many  as  three  hundred 
sail  of  the  line. 

On  the  3rd  May  they  passed  Capraia,  and  shaped  their 
course  directly  for  Elba,  in  a  light  air  with  full  sail.  Napoleon 
was  so  impatient  that  he  asked  Ussher  whether  if  he  were 
chasing  an  enemy  he  would  set  more  sail,  and  Ussher  remark- 
ing, after  examination,  that  the  starboard  top-gallant  stunsail 
was  not  carried.  Napoleon  begged  him  to  have  it  set  at  once, 
which  was  accordingly  done.  As  soon  as  land  was  in  sight 
he  went  forward  to  the  forecastle,  whence  he  examined  it 
with  his  glass.  When  the  batteries  gradually  came  in  view, 
he  was  most  anxious  to  discern  what  colours  were  flying.  At 
length  the  white  flag  with  the  lily  of  the  Bourbons  was 
revealed.  It  had  replaced  the  tricolour  only  two  days  before. 
If  the  Undaunted  had  not  been  delayed  on  her  passage  by 
bad  weather,  she  would  have  arrived  while  the  island  was  still 
Imperial.  Ussher  considered  that  in  that  case  he  would  have 
been  obliged  to  take  Napoleon  to  the  British  Naval 
Commander-in-Chief,  Sir  Edward  Pellew,  at  Genoa,  "  who 
would,  no  doubt,  have  ordered  us  to  England."  The  history 
of  the  world  might  have  been  changed. 

The  mind  of  Napoleon  ran  often  on  dates  and  anniversaries. 
He  remarked  that  it  was  on  the  3rd  May,  1789,  exactly  a 
quarter  of  a  century  back,  that  the  great  procession  of  the 
States  General  took  place.  W^hile  he  was  speaking  Louis  XVIII 
was  riding  in  a  carriage  drawn  by  eight  cream-coloured  horses, 
in  another  procession,  into  the  city  of  Paris. 



BETWEEN  Corsica  and  Italy,  in  the  Tuscan  Archi- 
pelago, there  lie,  in  a  north  and  south  direction,  a 
number  of  small  islands.  On  clear  days  they  are  all 
of  them  visible  both  from  Corsica  and  from  Italy. 
The  furthest  north  is  Gorgona,  off  Leghorn.  When 
Napoleon  was  a  lieutenant  in  an  artillery  regiment  at  Auxonne 
he  employed  some  of  his  spare  time  in  taking  notes  on  the 
books  he  was  reading,  and  occasionally  wrote  an  original 
short  story.  In  one  of  these  he  imagines  an  Englishman 
wrecked  at  Gorgona,  where  he  comes  across  a  Corsican  who 
had  chosen  that  island  as  a  retreat  from  the  tyranny  of  the 
French,  who  had  conquered  Corsica.  Napoleon  made  his 
compatriot  speak  of  the  French  as  having  the  reputation  of 
being  "  the  enemies  of  free  men,"  while  the  shipwrecked 
visitor  was  "  one  of  those  virtuous  Englishmen  who  still 
protect  our  fugitive  citizens  " — an  allusion  to  the  sojourn  of 
Paoli,  the  Corsican  patriot,  in  England,  where  he  was  in 
receipt  of  a  pension  from  the  Government.  Gorgona  Napoleon 
described  as  "  an  escarped  rock  which  may  have  a  circum- 
ference of  half  a  league."  "  There  are  few  situations,"  wrote 
the  youth  of  nineteen,  "  so  picturesque  as  the  position  of  this 
island,  separated  from  any  land  by  immense  arms  of  sea, 
bordered  by  rocks,  against  which  the  waves  dash  with  fury. 
It  is  sometimes  the  refuge  of  the  pale  sailor  against  the 
tempest,  but  more  often  Gorgona  is  for  them  merely  the  reef 
where  many  ships  have  often  been  wrecked." 



This  passage  can  only  have  been  written  by  one  who 
had  sailed  near  the  island,  and  so  confirms  the  statements 
of  both  Joseph  and  Napoleon  that  when  they  were  taken  to 
school  their  father  travelled  by  way  of  Leghorn.  In  that  case 
Napoleon's  recollection  must  date  from  the  age  of  nine. 

South  of  Gorgona  is  Capraia,  a  wild-looking,  hilly  island, 
as  its  name  implies,  the  natural  home  of  goats ;  it  is  larger 
than  Gorgona,  and  has  not  so  desolate  an  appearance.  Both 
islands  maintain  a  small  colony  of  fishermen,  whose  pic- 
turesque boats  add  to  the  strange  semi-barbarian  romance  of 
these  waters.  To  pass  one  of  these  vessels  at  the  time  when 
the  fishermen  are  hauling  in  their  trawl,  hurrying  forward  and 
back  along  the  small  boat  to  take  their  turn  at  the  line,  singing 
together  the  while,  the  music  passing  over  the  sea  till  it 
gradually  fades  as  the  boat  sails  away,  is  an  experience  that 
lingers  in  the  memory. 

The  next  island  is  Elba,  a  striking  and  effective  mass  of 

Further  south  is  Pianosa,  which  strangely  enough  is 
quite  fiat,  for  all  the  other  islands  and  islets  appear  to  have 
been  thrust  up  from  the  sea  by  a  violent  upheaval.  Pianosa 
was  uncultivated  at  the  time  of  Napoleon,  but  is  now  covered 
with  olive  trees. 

Still  further  south  Monte  Cristo,  a  barren  rock,  rises  like 
a  pyramid  straight  from  the  sea  to  a  height  of  2000  feet. 
There  can  be  little  doubt  that  it  was  Dumas'  visit  to  Elba 
in  search  of  Napoleonic  memories,  that  gave  him  not  only 
the  name,  but  much  of  the  conception  of  his  story.  The  iron 
mines  of  Elba  with  their  inexhaustible  wealth,  the  illustrious 
prisoner,  the  weird  romance  of  these  islands,  which  had  made 
such  an  impression  on  the  youthful  Napoleon,  all  contributed 
towards  the  creation  of  the  famous  tale. 

Elba,  the  largest  of  these  islands,  is  only  sixteen  miles  in 
greatest  length,  ten  miles  in  greatest  breadth,  and  some  sixty 
in  circumference — about  the  size  of  Malta. 

Elba  is  also  the  nearest  to  Italy,  the  strait  which  separates 


it  from  Piombino  being  not  more  than  six  miles  across.  This 
narrow  Canale  di  Piombino  is,  however,  a  conduit  for  strong 
winds,  and,  being  strewn  with  rocks  and  islets — Cerboh  and 
Pahnajola  are  large  enough  to  have  had  towers  of  defence 
erected  upon  them — the  passage  was,  in  the  time  of  Napoleon, 
dangerous  at  night  and  not  without  risk  in  the  daytime. 
Even  now  the  small  steamer  which  does  the  trip  twice  a  day 
is  often  obliged  by  the  heavy  sea  to  make  for  Porto  Vecchio, 
where  the  landing  is  not  so  difficult  as  at  Piombino.  Com- 
munication with  the  shore  is  made  by  means  of  rowboats, 
which  toss  about  wildly  and  threaten  at  any  moment  to  be 
swamped.  The  crossing  takes  only  half  an  hour  from  shore 
to  shore,  but  it  is  very  trying  to  all  except  the  most  hardened 
sailors.  When  the  shelter  under  the  Elban  hills  has  been 
reached  the  remainder  of  the  voj^age  of  some  forty  minutes 
is  less  disagreeable.  Elba  will  never  be  a  popular  resort 
until  the  terrors  of  the  Canale  have  been  mitigated  by  an 
improved  harbour  at  Piombino  and  a  larger  steamer  is 
emploj^ed.  It  is  said  that  Paul  Demidoff  sold  the  Napoleonic 
Museum  at  San  Martino,  which  he  had  inherited  from  his 
uncle,  because,  having  arrived  at  Piombino,  he  had  not  the 
courage  to  venture  upon  the  tempestuous  waters,  and  could 
take  no  interest  in  a  property  he  would  never  be  able  to  visit. 

A  hundred  years  ago  the  uncertainty  of  the  passage  made 
Leghorn  the  usual  port  of  embarkation  for  visitors  from  the 
north,  and  Civita  Vecchia  for  those  coming  from  Rome  and 
Naples.  Many,  even  now,  prefer  the  four  hours  from  Leghorn 
to  the  discomforts  of  Piombino. 

Seen  from  the  approach  by  sea,  Elba  is  striking  and 
romantic,  the  mountains  seeming  to  rise  as  towering  columns 
from  the  ocean.  Considering  the  small  base  upon  which  they 
rest,  they  attain  a  considerable  height.  Monte  Capanne, 
though  not  more  than  three  miles  distant  in  any  direction 
from  the  sea,  rises  to  a  height  of  3300  feet  ;  the  summit  of 
Monte  Giove,  2800  feet,  and  Monte  alia  Quata,  2500  feet, 
are  only  one  and  two  miles  respectively  from  the  sea.    The 


island  is  covered  with  precipitous  hills,  containing  granite 
and  a  fine  white  marble  on  the  west,  and  valuable  serpentine 
on  the  east  ;  and  a  large  variety  of  ferruginous  minerals 
is  found.  Monte  Calamita,  as  its  name  implies,  produces 
loadstone,  asbestos,  and  other  minerals.  Some  of  the  hills 
bear  a  scrubby  growth,  not  unlike  the  maquis  of  Corsica, 
consisting  of  myrtle,  box,  tamarisk,  and  other  odoriferous 
plants,  while  others  are  barren  and  rocky,  their  savage  wild- 
ness  contrasting  with  the  valleys  at  their  base,  where  the 
vine  is  cultivated  from  which  an  excellent  wine  is  made. 
In  the  time  of  Napoleon  the  Elba  vermouth  and  the  aleatica 
wine  were  favourably  known.  But  the  Elban  does  not  take 
advantage  of  such  spaces  of  flat  land  as  may  be  suitable  for 
crops  of  grain.  The  island  is  still,  as  in  the  time  of  Napoleon, 
dependent  on  imports  for  its  bread. 

The  climate  is  most  agreeable,  the  heat  of  the  summer 
being  tempered  by  sea  breezes  ;  but  the  salt  marshes,  which 
have  now  been  abolished,  used  to  be  unhealthy  spots,  and 
there  was  malaria  on  the  coast. 

The  animals  found  on  the  island  have  a  tendency  to  be 
black,  like  those  of  Corsica,  and  the  small  game,  chiefly  quail, 
partridge,  and  pigeon,  has  an  excellent  flavour  and  fragrant 
odour,  which  is  also  the  case  in  Corsica. 

The  Elbans  are  a  milder  race  than  the  terrible  native  of 
the  larger,  more  secluded,  and  wilder  island.  They  are 
fishermen  and  miners,  agriculture  and  even  the  care  of  pas- 
tures being  comparatively  neglected.  There  are  few  cows, 
and  milk  is  not  always  easy  to  obtain.  Most  of  the  vegetable 
supplies  are  imported  from  Italy.  The  Elban  is  an  agreeable, 
soft-spoken  man,  but  like  the  Corsican,  he  is  not  a  hard 
worker.  The  quarrels  and  jealousies  of  families  are  bitter, 
but  without  the  Corsican  ferocity. 

The  most  valuable  fish  caught  off  the  coast  of  Elba  is  the 
tunny,  a  large  fish  of  the  mackerel  family,  which  attains  a 
maximum  length  of  nine  feet  and  weight  of  900  pounds,  the 
average  being  about  half  that  size.    The  tunnies  come  to  the 


shore  from  May  onwards,  for  the  purpose  of  spawning,  and 
are  driven  into  nets  stretehed  to  a  great  length  near  the  shore. 
The  fish  exhaust  and  stun  themselves  by  their  mad  leaps 
against  each  other  or  against  the  side  of  the  boat  or  barge 
to  which  the  net  is  drawn,  and  are  then  easily  captured, 
but  to  lift  such  heavy  fish  into  the  barge  single-handed 
requires  great  strength.  A  clear  sky  and  smooth  sea  are 
desirable  to  reveal  the  movements  of  the  fish.  Napoleon, 
on  the  27th  June,  1814,  went  with  a  large  suite  to  witness 
the  drawing-in  of  the  nets.  He  harpooned  a  fish  and  tried  to 
land  it,  but  had  selected  too  large  a  one,  which  he  found  he 
was  unable  to  lift  into  the  boat. 

The  chief  fisheries  were  in  the  Gulf  of  Procchio,  at  Marciana. 
As  much  as  20,000  pounds  weight  would  be  taken  in  one  day. 
The  flesh  when  properly  cooked  has  an  agreeable  flavour, 
though  it  is  rather  rich.  It  is  preserved  in  oil  or  salt  and 
exported.  It  was  known  as  saltamentum  sardicum  to  the 

The  iron  mines  of  Elba  have  been  famous  from  the  earliest 
times.  Virgil  has  a  line,  "  Insula  inexhaustis  chalybum 
generosa  metallis."  ^  The  Romans  thought  the  mines  were  in- 
exhaustible, and  supposed  that  the  ore  was  soon  reproduced 
after  being  dug.  The  marks  of  the  Roman  tools  were,  in 
the  time  of  Napoleon,  still  visible  on  the  rocks.  It  is  said 
now  that  the  mines  may  be  worked  out  in  thirty  years. 
They  are  on  the  east  of  the  island,  served  by  the  hill  town  of 
Rio  Alto,  which  had  1800  inhabitants  in  the  time  of  Napoleon, 
and  by  a  coast  town  of  smaller  size,  Rio  Marina. 

There  are  several  examples  of  this  naming  of  two  villages 
by  the  name  of  coast  and  mountain,  as  Marciana  Alta  and 
Marciana  Marina,  Campo  and  Campo  Marina.  Each  has 
its  permanent  residents,  but  the  bulk  of  the  population 
migrates  from  the  Marina  in  the  summer  to  escape  the  coast 
malaria,  and  returns  in  the  winter.  A  similar  custom  prevails 
in  Corsica  ;   in  the  summer  the  whole  population  leaves  the 

1  ^Eueid,  BookX,  p.  174. 


fever-stricken  east  coast  for  the  fresh  air  of  the  mountains. 
The  village  on  the  hill  was  also  a  refuge  when  pirates 
had  landed  on  the  coast.  Only  within  quite  recent  years 
have  Elbans  and  Corsicans  learned  to  forget  their  fear  of 

In  the  time  of  Napoleon  the  iron  ore  was  sent  to  the 
Continent  to  be  smelted.  Four  hundred  men  and  a  hundred 
horses  or  oxen  were  at  work  on  the  mines.  The  men  formed 
a  class  of  their  own,  with  fixed  wages  and  permanent  employ- 
ment and  pensions  for  their  widows,  and  as  a  consequence 
they  did  as  little  work  as  possible. 

Of  the  salt  marshes  the  most  important  were  in  the  Bay  of 
Portoferraio.  Sea-water  was  run  into  pits  and  left  to  be  dried 
by  the  sun,  when  the  salt  remained.  The  ill-health  produced 
by  these  insalubrious  spots  caused  a  greater  loss  to  the 
island  than  the  salt  was  worth,  but  it  was  a  Government 

Portoferraio,  the  capital,  is  beautifully  situated  on  a  narrow 
promontory  which  juts  out  well  into  the  sea,  from  west  to 
east,  and  has  an  arm  projecting  at  right  angles  southwards 
from  the  eastern  end.  The  whole  of  this  promontory  is 
sheltered  by  the  Elban  hills  in  every  direction  except  the 
north  ;  and  thus  the  natural  harbour  on  its  southern  side 
is  completely  protected.  In  the  sailing  days  a  gale  from  the 
north  or  north-west  would  drive  a  vessel  on  to  the  beach  if  it 
was  not  well  handled,  before  the  turn  could  be  made  into  the 
inner  harbour.  In  all  other  weather  the  large  and  deep  bay 
provided  perfect  shelter  for  a  large  fleet,  and  with  the  inner 
harbour  furnished  one  of  the  most  comfortable  and  com- 
modious havens  in  the  whole  of  the  Mediterranean. 

It  was  also  very  strong  against  attack.  On  the  east  the 
entrance  to  the  bay  was  defended  by  Fort  Stella,  and  by  a 
continuous  range  of  batteries  on  the  arm  projecting  south, 
known  as  the  Linguella.  At  the  end  of  the  Linguella,  protect- 
ing the  entrance  to  the  inner  harbour,  was  an  octagonal  tower 
of  the  Martello  design.     It  is  now  shown  to  visitors  as  the 


dungeon  in  which  a  would-be  regicide  was  immured — Passa- 
nante,  who  tried  to  kill  King  Humbert. 

On  the  western  height  is  Fort  Falcone,  which  has  at  its  base 
a  big  ditch,  cutting  off  the  fort  and  whole  town  from  the  rest 
of  the  island.  A  drawbridge  over  the  ditch  provided  the  only 
access  to  the  town  from  the  land,  and  the  fort  itself  was 
further  guarded  by  a  gate  opening  on  to  a  tunnel  about 
a  hundred  yards  long,  cut  in  the  rock.  Napoleon  had  to  pass 
in  his  carriage  through  this  before  he  could  reach  the 
country,  unless  he  made  a  long  detour  to  the  Water  Gate 
and  along  the  quay. 

The  landing-stage,  to  which  vessels  of  moderate  size  are 
moored,  is  in  the  centre  of  the  harbour,  opposite  the  Water 
Gate.  Above  it  the  town  rises  in  tier  above  tier.  Inside  the 
gate  is  the  Piazza  Cavour,  which  is  merely  a  broad  street,  the 
only  one  in  the  town  ;  the  other  connections  are  by  stone 
stairways,  which  remind  one  of  Valetta,  Malta.  Beyond  the 
Piazza  Cavour  is  the  square  which  was  known  in  the  time  of 
Napoleon  as  the  Piazza  d'Armi,  or  Place  d' Amies,  where  his 
soldiers  were  drilled  every  day.  It  is  now  laid  out  as  a 
garden  and  would  be  occupied  by  nursemaids  and  perambula- 
tors if  the  Elbans  could  afford  such  luxuries.  A  band  plays 
there  sometimes. 

On  one  side  of  the  square  is  the  parish  church,  known  as 
the  cathedral,  to  which  Napoleon  was  escorted  on  his  formal 
entry  into  the  town  ;  on  the  other  side  is  the  Palazzo  Comun- 
dale,  or  town  hall,  where  he  endeavoured  to  find  a  refuge  from 
the  gaping  crowd.  There  are  six  tablets  with  inscriptions 
on  the  front  of  the  town  hall,  commemorating  :  1,  The  vote 
of  the  15th  March,  1860,  by  which  Tuscany  became  a  part 
of  united  Italy  ;  2,  Guerrazzi,  a  poet  of  the  Risorgimento  ; 
3,  Victor  Emmanuel ;  4,  Garibaldi ;  5,  Victor  Hugo,  who  spent 
part  of  his  childhood  at  Portoferraio  ;  6,  Mazzini.  The 
connection  of  Napoleon  with  the  town  is  not  recorded,  but 
there  is  a  prominent  tablet  to  the  memory  of  the  anarchist 
Ferrero,  in  the  Piazza  Cavour.     A  curious  memento  of  the 


Emperor  is  to  be  found  in  the  church  of  the  Misericordia, 
in  the  shape  of  a  large  ebony  coffin,  in  which  is  placed  a 
bronze  copy  of  the  mask  of  Napoleon  taken  after  death  at 
St.  Helena.  The  coffin  and  mask  were  presented  to  the  church 
by  Prince  Anatole  Demidoff,  together  with  an  endowment  of 
funds  to  pay  for  an  annual  funeral  service  on  the  5th  May, 
the  day  of  the  Emperor's  death.  All  the  notabilities  of  the 
island  attend  the  service,  from  the  sub-prefect  downwards, 
and  usually  a  torpedo-boat  or  other  war- vessel  comes  into  the 
harbour  for  the  naval  officers  to  be  present. 

The  population  of  Portoferraio  was  about  three  thousand 
in  the  time  of  Napoleon,  and  it  remained  at  about  that 
figure  until  the  end  of  the  nineteenth  century.  Tall  chimneys 
and  furnaces  for  the  extraction  of  the  ore  have  now  been 
erected,  and  a  new  suburb  has  arisen  to  accommodate  the 
workmen.  From  most  points  the  ugly  buildings  and  the 
black  smoke  destroy  the  beauties  of  the  town  and  sea. 
Portoferraio  is  now  best  seen  from  the  south-west  of  the  bay, 
with  a  blinker  on  the  left  eye.  The  chimneys  obtrude  upon 
the  visitor  from  every  other  quarter,  and  are  the  first  things 
seen  when  approaching  by  water. 

Porto  Longone,  the  second  town  of  the  island,  is  on  the 
south-east.  Above  the  small  town  there  was  a  strong  citadel, 
but  the  principal  fortifications  were  blown  up  by  order  of 
Napoleon,  to  save  expense  and  concentrate  his  forces  at 
Portoferraio.  The  place  is  now  used  as  a  prison  for  Italian 

Of  the  other  towns  or  villages  the  best  known  is  Capoliveri, 
said  to  have  derived  its  name  from  Caput  Liberum,  a  city 
which  was  a  legal  refuge  for  debtors  and  other  delinquents. 
The  inhabitants  were  noted  for  their  independent  spirit. 
On  more  than  one  occasion  they  successfully  resisted  foreign 
invaders,  when  the  rest  of  the  island  was  being  subjected. 
They  still  have  a  character  for  turbulence. 

Elba  is  quite  out  of  the  way  of  tourists  and  is  seldom  visited 
by  foreigners.    An  occasional  hero-worshipper  may  make  the 


journey,  but  it  is  not  customary  for  writers  to  describe  this 
home  of  Napoleon  from  personal  knowledge.  The  island  is 
romantic  and  picturesque,  and  at  a  distance  from  the  smelting 
furnaces  of  Portoferraio  there  is  a  peaceful  stillness  in  the 
life  which  has  its  charm. 

Every  small  island  lying  in  frequented  waters  becomes  the 
prey  of  various  conquerors  in  turn,  and  Elba  was  no  exception. 
It  was  a  Roman  colony  at  an  early  date.  After  the  fall  of 
Rome  the  island  had  the  usual  succession  of  barbarian 
conquerors.  Civilisation  returned  when  in  the  eleventh 
century  Pisa  became  mistress  of  Elba  and  Corsica,  much  to 
the  advantage  of  both  islands.  After  the  defeat  of  Pisa  by 
Genoa  at  the  naval  battle  of  Meloria  in  1284,  both  islands  were 
ceded  to  Genoa,  but  Elba  was  soon  afterwards  bought  back 
by  Pisa,  while  unhappy  Corsica  was  left  to  the  harsh  Genoese 

In  the  beginning  of  the  fifteenth  century  Elba,  Pianosa, 
and  Monte  Cristo  belonged  to  the  Principality  of  Piombino. 
The  island  was  captured  and  its  inhabitants  carried  off  as 
slaves  by  the  famous  corsair,  Barbarossa,  in  1534,  and  when 
it  had  been  to  some  extent  repeopled  it  was  again  devastated 
by  Barbarossa  ten  years  later.  In  1548  Cosimo  de  Medici, 
Duke  of  Florence,  founded  the  city  of  Portoferraio,  after 
whom  it  was  given  the  name  of  Cosmopoli.  Napoleon  at  one 
time  proposed  to  return  to  that  name,  when  he  was  talking 
of  his  scheme  for  making  the  town  a  cosmopolitan  home  for 
all  the  talents  of  all  the  nations.  The  fortifications  he  found 
in  existence  had  not  been  much  changed  since  their  erection. 
Thanks  to  these  works  Portoferraio  successfully  beat  off  the 
raid  of  another  corsair,  Dragut  of  Tripoli,  in  1552,  but  the 
remainder  of  the  island  fell  into  the  pirate's  hands.  Dragut 
repeated  the  capture  and  spoliation  a  few  years  later. 

Elba  still  remained,  with  the  exception  of  Portoferraio, 
part  of  the  dominions  of  the  Prince  of  Piombino,  and  though 
the  Florentine  influence  spread  from  the  only  town  which 
was  safe  from  pirates,  over  the  mines  and  much  of  the  island. 


it  did  not  grow  strong  enough  to  obtain  a  formal  cession  of 
territory.  That  was  obtained  by  the  Spaniards.  In  1603 
the  fortress  of  Longone  was  built  by  Santa  Cruz,  sent  for  that 
purpose  by  the  Spanish  Viceroy  of  Naples.  The  island  was 
then  under  the  three  jurisdictions  of  Florence,  Naples,  and 
Piombino.  When  the  French  revolution  broke  out  this 
division  was  still  in  force.  Portoferraio  belonged  to  the 
Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany,  Porto  Longone  to  Spain,  the 
remainder  of  the  island  to  Piombino. 

Then  came  to  Portoferraio,  in  January,  1794,  several 
thousand  French  refugees  from  Toulon,  brought  by  the 
British  fleet,  and  on  the  9th  July,  1796,  British  troops  were 
sent  to  occupy  the  town.  They  erected  a  battery  in  support 
of  Falcone  Fort,  known  as  Forte  Inglese.  Soon,  however, 
in  consequence  of  General  Bonaparte's  victories  in  Italy 
in  1796-7,  it  was  decided  to  evacuate  Corsica  and  Elba,  and 
the  British  troops  left  the  latter  island  on  the  28th  April, 

A  period  of  anarchy  ensued.  With  the  changes  in  progress 
on  the  Continent,  it  was  not  always  easy  to  say  to  whom  the 
Island  of  Elba  belonged.  By  the  Treaty  of  Amiens  it  became 
French  ;  it  was  occupied  by  French  troops  and  formally 
annexed  to  France,  and  the  syndics  of  the  various  communes 
swore  fealty  to  the  French  Republic.  On  the  12th  January, 
1803,  a  Commissary  General  was  established  at  Portoferraio, 
with  administration  over  Elba,  Capraia,  Palmajola,  Pianosa, 
and  Monte  Cristo.  The  fortifications  were  improved,  and 
two  battalions  of  local  troops  were  raised. 

In  March,  1805,  the  Emperor  Napoleon  gave  this  archipelago 
of  islands  to  his  sister  filise,  with  the  principality  of  Piombino. 
filise  became  Grand  Duchess  of  Tuscany  in  1809.  In  1814 
Elba  was  blockaded  by  a  British  fleet.  Then  rumours  arrived 
of  the  fall  of  Napoleon.  On  the  21st  April  the  garrison  of 
Porto  Longone,  amongst  whom  were  many  Italians,  killed 
their  commander  and  made  for  Rio,  where  they  seized  a 
vessel   and   sailed   for  the   Continent.     On   the   same   day 


Napoleon  was  burned  in  effigy  at  Marciana.    Rio  also  was  in 

On  the  27th  General  Montresor,  the  English  Commander, 
sent  to  General  Dalesme,  the  French  Commandant  of  the 
island,  the  news  of  the  fall  of  Napoleon  and  restoration  of 
the  Bourbons,  and  a  summons  to  surrender,  which  was 
ignored  ;  but  on  the  next  day  an  envoy  arrived  from  the 
Provisional  Government  announcing  the  abdication  of 
Napoleon  and  his  imminent  arrival  to  take  possession  of  the 
island.  Dalesme  hoisted  the  Bourbon  flag  and  waited  for  the 
further  instructions  which  he  shortly  after  received  from 
Dupont,  Minister  of  War,  to  deliver  the  island  to  "  Napoleon 
Bonaparte,  heretofore  Emperor  of  the  French." 



IN  the  afternoon  of  May  3rd,  1814,  H.M.  frigate  Un- 
daunted lay  to  off  Portoferraio.  To  notify  the  arrival 
of  Napoleon  and  ascertain  what  kind  of  a  reception 
might  be  expected,  a  boat  left  under  the  charge  of 
Lieutenant  Hastings,  carrying  General  Drouot,  Colonel 
Campbell,  Captain  Clam,  and  Lieutenant  Smith.  Drouot 
delivered  to  Dalesme  a  letter  from  Napoleon  announcing 
that  he  had  chosen  Elba  for  his  future  abode. 

The  letter  was  printed  and  placarded  about  the  town  while 
a  deputation  returned  to  the  Undaunted  in  the  ship's  boat 
to  announce  the  grateful  submission  of  the  authorities.  The 
party  comprised  General  Dalesme,  the  sub-prefect,  the 
Commander  of  the  Elba  National  Guard,  and  Pons  de 
I'Herault,  the  administrator  of  the  mines  at  Rio. 

Andre  Pons,  born  at  Cette  in  1772,  was  the  son  of  a  small 
innkeeper.  He  went  to  sea,  and  at  an  early  age  obtained  the 
command  of  a  merchant  ship  ;  then  he  entered  the  French 
Navy.  In  1793  he  volunteered  for  the  army  and  became  a 
captain  of  artillery.  In  that  capacity  he  served  at  the  siege 
of  Toulon,  where  he  made  the  acquaintance  of  Napoleon. 
After  the  siege  Napoleon  was  on  one  occasion  the  guest  of 
Pons  at  Bandol,  where  he  arrived  in  the  course  of  his  inspec- 
tion of  the  coast  defences,  bringing  with  him  Louis  and  the 
war  commissioner,  Boinod.  Napoleon,  Pons,  and  Boinod 
were  afterwards  to  spend  much  time  together  at  Elba. 
Pons  gave  his  guests  a  dish  of  the  famous  houillahaisse  of 



Provence,  which  Boinod  told  Pons  he  had  not  forgotten, 
and  Louis  remembered  even  in  his  old  age.  Pons  had  a 
varied  career.  In  1809  he  obtained  the  post  of  administrator 
of  the  Rio  mines  ;  he  afterwards  became  in  turn  a  Prefect 
of  the  Empire  and  of  the  Monarchy  of  July,  and  finally  a 
Councillor  of  State  in  the  Second  Republic.  He  lived  to  see 
the  Second  Empire,  and  died  in  1858.^ 

Pons  was  a  republican  from  the  first  days  of  the  Revolu- 
tion, and  developed  into  an  ardent  Jacobin  and  Robespierrist. 
He  had  not  changed  his  opinions.  He  was  still  an  opponent 
of  the  Empire,  but  he  had  become  at  the  same  time  a  fervid 
admirer  of  the  Emperor.  Though  most  of  his  time  was  spent 
at  Rio,  Pons  was  often  in  Portoferraio,  and  saw  a  good  deal  of 
Napoleon.  He  made  a  careful  study  of  the  great  man, 
who  engaged  him  to  write  an  account  of  the  Elban  sojourn, 
and  read  a  few  of  the  first  pages.  In  June,  1815,  in  his  last 
interview  with  the  Emperor,  Pons  was  again  urged  to  carry 
out  the  work,  and  Napoleon  mentioned  to  him  several  things 
he  should  not  forget  to  chronicle.  Pons  asserted  that  it  was 
only  at  Elba  that  Napoleon  could  be  properly  examined  and 
comprehended.  As  Emperor  he  was  placed  too  high  to  be 
visible  to  ordinary  mortals.  At  St.  Helena  he  was  posing 
for  posterity.    There  is  much  to  be  said  for  that  opinion. 

Pons  had  frequent  discussions  about  the  character  of 
Napoleon  with  his  two  chief  friends,  Drouot  and  Peyrusse. 
But,  though  he  cogitated  much,  and  took  some  notes,  he 
did  not  set  to  work  seriously  till  long  afterwards,  and  at  his 
death  in  1858  the  result  of  his  labours  had  not  been  published. 
It  was  not  till  the  end  of  the  nineteenth  century  that  his  most 
important  material  was  issued  in  a  connected  form,  by  L.  G. 
Pelissier,  in  two  works,  "  Souvenirs  et  Anecdotes  de  I'lle 
d'Elbe "  (1897),  and  "  Memoire  aux  Puissances  Allies " 

Pons  writes  sometimes  of  his  hero  in  terms  suitable 
only  to  the  Messiah.  "  The  Emperor  saw  the  quarries  ;  he 
*  Pons,  "  Souvenirs  et  Anecdotes,"  edited  by  L.  G.  Pelissier,  p.  x. 

O     '-^ 


spoke :  '  Let  the  quarries  be  exploited,'  and  they  were 
exploited."  And  again  :  "  The  Emperor's  glance  passed  in 
the  direction  of  the  salt  works  and  the  salt  works  were 
vivified."  And  Pons  was  deficient  in  humour.  He  records 
without  a  smile  the  sublime  remark  of  Napoleon,  intended 
to  support  his  dictum  that  "the  French  heart  is  human 
perfection,"  that  "the  French  Army  has  left  in  foreign 
countries  thousands  of  souvenirs  of  affection  which  will  never 
be  effaced." 

But  if  Pons  became  sometimes,  like  many  others,  spell- 
bound in  the  presence  of  Napoleon,  he  differs  from  other 
writers  of  contemporary  memoirs  in  that  he  had  no  career 
to  exaggerate,  no  reputation  to  defend,  and  no  grudge  to 
satisfy.  The  personal  factor,  which  distorts  every  man's 
vision,  was  thus  reduced  to  comparative  insignificance.  And 
he  approached  the  study  from  the  best  standpoint,  that 
of  the  republican  admirer.  He  admired  the  First  Consul, 
disapproved  of  the  Emperor,  and  was  fascinated  by  the 
Genius.  That  is  precisely  the  modern  standpoint.  Pons 
must  be  taken,  then,  with  a  friendly  smile  here  and  there, 
as  one  of  the  most  independent -minded,  honest,  careful,  and 
generally  reliable  of  all  those  who  have  described  their 
impressions  of  Napoleon.  He  had  an  exceptional  opportunity, 
and  a  proper  spirit,  and  his  conclusions  deserve  attention. 

Pons  has  left  an  account  of  the  reception  by  Napoleon  of 
the  Elban  worthies,  and  of  the  emotions  they  experienced 
in  being  presented  to  the  greatest  man  in  the  world.  After 
explaining  how  strong  was  still  his  hostility  to  the  Napoleonic 
Empire,  he  proceeds  : — 

"And  I  was  going  to  appear  before  the  hero  who  had 
voluntarily  laid  down  his  halo  of  glory  !  I  was  going  to  appear 
before  the  extraordinary  man  whom  I  had  so  often  blamed 
and  at  the  same  time  admired,  and  for  whom,  also,  I  had  so 
often  prayed  during  his  holy  struggle  on  the  sacred  soil  ! 
I  was  about  to  present  myself  to  Napoleon,  to  the  Emperor 
Napoleon,  upon  an  English  frigate  !    It  all  seemed  to  me  a 


dream,  a  painful  dream,  a  frightful  dream.  My  heart  was 
fit  to  burst,  my  spirits  were  dejected,  my  mind  was  dis- 
tracted, a  general  trembling  took  from  me  the  free  exercise 
of  my  faculties,  and  I  felt  as  if  I  should  swoon.  I  forgot  the 
deceptions  of  the  Empire,  I  had  become  almost  Imperial. 
Misfortune  impressed  upon  me  a  sense  of  reverence  for  the 
most  illustrious  of  its  victims.  We  went  on  board  the 
English  frigate.  The  Emperor  Napoleon  was  announced. 
The  Emperor  showed  himself  at  the  door  of  his  cabin.  Our 
emotions  were  profound.  Instinctively  we  leaned  upon  each 
other,  and  became  as  in  a  condition  of  enchantment.  Our 
attitude  was  purely  contemplative.  The  Emperor  stopped 
for  a  moment,  he  seemed  inclined  to  examine  us  ;  we  made 
a  movement  to  go  towards  him,  he  came  to  us.  General 
Roller  and  Colonel  Campbell  were  extremely  respectful. 

"The  Emperor  was  wearing  the  green  uniform  of  the 
chasseurs  of  the  Imperial  Guard.  The  star  of  the  Legion  of 
Honour,  fastened  to  the  buttonhole,  was  that  of  a  simple 
chevalier,  and  he  was  not  wearing  the  iron  crown.  He  had 
been  dressed  with  care,  his  appearance  was  that  of  a  soldier 
prepared  for  a  reception.  His  manner  was  calm,  his  eyes  were 
bright,  his  expression  seemed  full  of  benevolence,  and  a 
dignified  smile  adorned  his  lips.  His  arms  were  crossed 
behind  his  back.  We  thought  he  had  come  without  a  hat, 
but  when  he  turned  towards  us,  we  saw  that  he  held  in  his 
right  hand  a  small  round  sailor's  hat,  at  which  we  were 


"  General  Dalesme  faltered  out  to  the  Emperor  some  words  of 
respect  and  affection.  We  also,  we  tried  to  stammer  out  some 
words,  we  had  the  persuasive  eloquence  of  emotion.  The 
Emperor  understood  it  all ;  he  replied  to  us  with  paternal 
kindness,  as  if  he  had  heard  all  that  we  were  unable  to  say 
to  him.  He  seemed  to  have  meditated  his  reply  ;  it  even 
seemed  that  his  words  must  have  been  prepared,  they  were 
so  clear  and  precise. 

"  The  Emperor  related  rapidly  the  recent  misfortunes  of 


France.  He  spoke  as  if  he  had  not  himself  been  the  pivot 
of  all  these  great  events.  His  sentiments  betokened  a  burning 
patriotism.  He  expressed  the  intention  of  consecrating 
himself  henceforth  to  the  welfare  of  the  Elbans.  Then  he 
told  us  that  he  would  not  enter  Portoferraio  until  the  new 
flag  that  he  was  going  to  adopt  was  waving  there.  He 
desired  the  municipality  to  give  him  ideas  on  the  point. 
Before  dismissing  us,  he  spoke  privately  for  a  moment 
to  General  Dalesme,  then  he  addressed  a  few  words  to  each 
one  of  us,  and  I  obtained  the  smallest  share,  for  he  merely 
asked  me  what  were  my  duties.  We  retired.  The  orderly 
officer  reconducted  us  to  the  place  of  embarkation." 

When  a  red  republican  could  be  so  moved  by  the  presence 
of  Napoleon  there  was  no  need  for  anxiety  as  to  the  reception 
awaiting   him   in   the   island.     The   inhabitants   of   Porto- 
ferraio were  in  a  state  of  ecstasy  at  the  good  news,  for  not 
only  was  Elba  to  share  in  Napoleon's  immortality,  but  the 
presence  of  the  Emperor  and  his  followers,  with  the  dis- 
tinguished visitors  who  would  be  attracted  to  the  island, 
would  bring  wealth  to  them  all.    Every  house  was  illuminated 
with  candles  on  the  window-sills,  while  the  almost  incredible 
event  was  discussed  amidst  an  excitement  that  kept  the  town 
awake  half  the  night.     The  officials  had  scarcely  any  rest. 
They  had  to  find  a  suitable  house  for  Napoleon  and  make  the 
necessary    alterations    for    a    formal    reception.      Dalesme 
offered  the  Commandant's  house,  but   the   Hotel   de  Ville 
was  more  central  and  was  decided  upon.    The  furniture  had 
to  be  removed,  and  more  suitable  articles  searched  for  and 
placed  in  their  new  positions.    The  National  Guard  had  to  be 
summoned   for   the    morrow's   ceremony,    also   the    French 
garrison  ;    and  the  religious  preparations  had  to  be  made. 
The  lists  of  those  who  should  have  the  honour  of  presentation 
had  to  be  made  up,  and  as  Bertrand  had  written  that  it  was 
"  essential   that    a    large    concourse    of   persons   should    be 
present  to  receive  the  Emperor,"  couriers  had  to  be  sent  in 
all  haste  to  the  neighbouring  communes  to  collect  as  many 


as  possible,  especially  the  Mayors  and  their  chief  assistants. 
All  this  had  to  be  done  in  the  night,  and,  as  Pons  complains, 
"  the  hours  were  passing  away  with  giant  strides." 

The  printers  were  busy  with  the  necessary  proclamations, 
which  they  contrived  to  get  out  in  the  early  morning.  The 
Commandant  issued  the  following  manifesto,  in  which  he 
made  known  the  terms  of  Napoleon's  declaration  : — 

"  Inhabitants  of  the  Island  of  Elba, 

"  The  vicissitudes  of  human  affairs  have  brought  into  the 
midst  of  you  the  Emperor  Napoleon,  and  by  his  choice  he  is 
given  to  you  as  your  Sovereign.  Before  entering  inside  your 
walls  your  new  and  august  monarch  has  addressed  to  me  the 
following  words,  which  I  hasten  to  make  known  to  you, 
as  they  are  the  guarantee  of  your  future  happiness  : — 

"  '  General,  I  have  sacrificed  my  rights  to  the  interests  of 
the  country,  and  have  reserved  for  myself  the  Sovereignty 
and  the  property  of  the  Island  of  Elba,  to  which  all  the 
Powers  have  consented.  Make  known  this  new  state  of 
things  to  the  inhabitants,  and  the  choice  I  have  made  of  their 
island  for  my  residence,  on  account  of  the  mildness  of  their 
manners  and  of  their  climate.  Tell  them  that  they  will  be 
the  constant  object  of  my  most  active  concern.' 

"  Elbans,  these  words  require  no  comment ;  they  deter- 
mine your  future.  The  Emperor  has  judged  you  correctly. 
I  owe  you  this  justice,  and  I  render  it  to  you. 

"  Inhabitants  of  the  island  of  Elba,  I  am  about  to  leave 
you.  The  parting  will  be  painful  to  me,  for  I  love  you 
sincerely,  but  the  thought  of  your  good  fortune  sweetens  the 
bitterness  of  my  departure  ;  and  in  whatever  place  I  may  he> 
I  shall  always  be  close  to  this  island  in  the  recollection  of 
the  virtues  of  its  inhabitants,  and  in  the  good  wishes  I  shall 
have  on  their  behalf. 

"  Portoferraio,  4  May,  1814. 

"The  General  of  Brigade,  Dalesme." 

Z      ii 


Pons  remarks  that  the  placards  were  still  on  the  walls  in 
which  Dalesnie  accused  the  Elbans  of  being  savages,  armed 
for  the  purpose  of  pillage  ;  and  with  regard  to  the  attempt 
to  impose  upon  Napoleon  with  a  crowd  gathered  from  all 
parts,  he  observes  that  the  Emperor  knew  quite  well  the  size 
of  the  town,  and  the  kind  of  collection  it  would  normally 

The  Vicar-General  Arrighi,  a  cousin  of  Napoleon's,  issued 
the  following  ecstatic  charge  to  his  flock  : — 

"  To  our  well  beloved  in  the  Lord,  our  brothers  of  the 
clergy,  and  to  all  the  faithful  on  the  island,  salutation  and 

"  Divine  Providence  which,  in  its  strength  and  benevolence, 
disposes  all  things  and  assigns  to  peoples  their  destiny,  has 
decided  that  amidst  the  changing  politics  of  Europe  we  should 
in  future  be  the  subjects  of  Napoleon  the  Great. 

"  The  island  of  Elba,  already  celebrated  for  its  natural 
productions,  becomes  to-day  still  more  illustrious  in  the 
history  of  nations  ;  for  the  homage  it  tenders  to  its  new 
Prince  of  immortal  glory.  The  island  of  Elba  enters  among 
the  ranks  of  nations,  and  its  small  area  becomes  ennobled 
through  the  name  of  its  Sovereign. 

"  Raised  to  so  sublime  an  honour  it  welcomes  to  its  bosom 
the  Anointed  of  the  Lord  and  the  other  distinguished  persons 
who  surround  him.  When  H.M.  the  Emperor  and  King 
made  the  choice  of  this  island  for  his  retreat,  he  announced 
to  the  world  his  predilection. 

"  Wealth  will  pour  into  the  land,  and  from  all  parts  people 
will  hasten  to  our  shores  to  contemplate  a  hero. 

"  Before  he  put  a  foot  upon  this  shore  he  announced  our 
destiny  and  our  happiness  :  '  /  shall  be  a  good  Father,''  he 
said,  '  he  my  good  children.^ 

"  Most  loved  and  faithful  ones,  what  tender  words  !  What 
benevolent  expressions  !  What  hopes  we  may  entertain  of 
our  future  felicity  !    May  these  words  rest  with  delight  in  your 


thoughts,  and  impress  themselves  with  transports  of  con- 
solation in  your  hearts.  May  fathers  repeat  them  to  their 
children,  and  so  perpetuate  from  generation  to  generation 
the  memory  of  these  words  which  assure  the  glory  and  pros- 
perity of  the  Island  of  Elba. 

"  Fortunate  inhabitants  of  Portoferraio,  the  sacred  person 
of  H.M.  the  Emperor  and  King  will  be  within  your  walls. 
Renowned  as  you  always  have  been  for  the  sweetness  of  your 
character  and  your  affection  for  your  Princes,  Napoleon  the 
Great  already  appreciates  you  ;  never  destroy  the  favourable 
opinion  he  has  formed  of  you. 

"  And  you  all,  faithful  in  Jesus  Christ,  be  worthy  of  your 
fortune  ;  nan  sint  schismata  inter  vos,  idem  sapite,  pacem 
habete,  et  Deus  pads  et  dilectionis  erit  vohiscum. 

"  May  faithfulness,  gratitude,  submission,  reign  in  your 
hearts  !  Join  all  in  the  respectful  sentiments  of  love  for  your 
Prince,  who  is  more  your  father  than  your  Sovereign,  and 
exult  with  holy  joy  in  the  bounty  of  the  Lord,  who  has 
reserved  for  you  this  auspicious  event  for  all  eternity. 

"  With  that  intention  we  order  that  on  Sunday  next  in  all 
the  churches  a  solemn  Te  Deum  shall  be  sung,  as  token  of 
thanks  to  the  Almighty,  for  the  precious  gift  he  has  accorded 
us  in  the  abundance  of  his  mercy. 

"  Giuseppe  Filippo  Arrighi, 

On  the  important  day.  May  4th,  Napoleon,  who  was  as 
eager  to  examine  his  new  domain  as  the  inhabitants  were  to 
gaze  at  him,  arose  at  daylight  and  went  on  deck,  where  he 
had  a  long  conversation  with  the  harbourmaster  about  the 
anchorage,  fortifications,  etc.  At  half-past  six  the  Undaunted 
moved  into  the  harbour  and  anchored.  The  ship  was  at 
once  surrounded  by  small  craft  carrying  excited  spectators, 
some  singing  to  the  accompaniment  of  their  guitars,  others 

^  'ITie  Italian  text  is  in  Livi^  "  Napoleone  all'  isola  d'  Elba/'  p.  268. 


playing  the  flute  or  banging  upon  the  tambourine,   while 
the  remainder  cheered  and  raised  their  hats  on  their  oars. 

Several  of  the  chief  inhabitants  asked  for  audiences. 
Napoleon  received  Colonel  Vincent,  commanding  the 
Engineers,  the  President  of  the  Tribunal,  and  the  Vicar- 
General  Arrighi — representatives  of  the  army,  the  law,  and 
the  Church. 

He  was  impatient  to  get  ashore,  but  did  not  wish  to  be 
recognised  before  the  official  reception.  At  8  a.m.  he  covered 
himself  with  a  great-coat  and  embarked  in  one  of  the  boats 
of  the  Undaunted,  accompanied  by  Ussher,  Campbell, 
Bertrand,  and  Vincent.  When  half-way  across  the  harbour 
he  remarked  that  he  was  without  a  sword,  and  asked  w^hether 
the  Elbans  were  addicted  to  assassination.  "  Evidently," 
says  Campbell,  "  he  is  greatly  afraid  of  falling  in  this  way." 
They  went  to  examine  a  house  which  had  looked  well  from 
the  ship,  and  wandered  about  for  a  couple  of  hours.  A  peas- 
ant alarmed  Napoleon  by  suddenly  shouting  :  "  Viva  il  Re 
d'Inghilterra  !  "  It  appears  that  Ussher,  after  the  fashion 
of  sailors,  had  insisted  upon  mounting  the  bare  back  of  one 
of  the  small  horses  of  the  island,  and  although  he  clung  to 
the  horse's  mane,  he  was  soon  deposited  upon  the  earth. 
He  gave  the  boy  who  had  brought  the  pony  a  guinea,  to 
which  the  lad  responded  by  cheering  the  King  of  England, 
believing  that  only  a  King  carried  guineas,  and  that  His 
Majesty  King  George  was  before  him. 

They  returned  on  board  for  breakfast.  A  book  was  pro- 
duced containing  illustrations  of  Elban  and  Tuscan  flags, 
from  which  Napoleon  selected  one  that  had  been  used  in  the 
time  of  Cosimo  de  Medici.  It  was  white  with  a  red  diagonal 
stripe,  upon  which  Napoleon  placed  three  of  his  bees  in  gold. 
He  said  it  would  thus  symbolise  his  intention  to  cultivate 
peace,  harmony,  and  industry.  The  tailor  of  the  Undaunted 
was  instructed  to  make  tw^o  of  these  flags,  one  to  be  hoisted 
upon  the  fort,  the  other  upon  the  barge  of  the  Undaunted. 
Elba  still  has  the  Napoleonic  arms.    In  184^0  the  flag  with 


bees  was  ratified  by  the  Grand  Duke  Leopold.  By  a  Royal 
Decree  of  the  23rd  February,  1902,  arms  were  for  the  first 
time  conceded  to  the  Province  of  Leghorn,  which  comprises 
the  city  of  Leghorn  and  the  islands  Gorgona,  Elba,  Pianosa, 
Monte  Cristo,  and  Giglio.  Capraia  is  under  the  jurisdiction 
of  Genoa.  The  arms  are  thus  described  in  the  "  Bolletino 
della  Consulta  Araldica,"  Vol.  V  :  "  Troncato  di  Elba  che 
e  d'  argento  alia  banda  di  rosso,  carica  di  tre  api  d'  oro ;  e  di 
Livorno  che  e  di  rosso  al  castello  d'  argento,  merlato  d'  oro, 
aperto  e  finestrato  di  nero,  uscente  da  un  mare  d'  azzuro 
fluttuoso  di  argento ;  colla  torre  destra  cimata  da  una 
bandiora  bifida,  bianca,  scritta  col  motto  Fides  al  naturale." 
(Per  fess.  1.  Elba  ;  argent  on  a  bend  gules,  three  bees  or. 
2.  Leghorn  ;  gules,  a  double-towered  castle  argent,  embattled 
or,  door  and  windows  sable,  issuant  from  a  sea  wavy  azure  ; 
on  the  dexter  tower  a  pennant  argent  with  the  word  Fides. y 

Napoleon  entered  the  barge  of  the  Undaunted  accompanied 
by  Roller,  Campbell,  Clam,  Ussher,  Drouot,  and  Bertrand. 
The  yards  were  manned  and  royal  salutes  were  fired  by  the 
Undaunted  (101  guns),  by  the  batteries,  and  by  two  French 
corvettes  which  happened  to  be  in  the  harbour  ;  and  the 
churches  rang  their  bells.  In  deference  to  the  wishes  of 
Napoleon,  who  expressed  great  anxiety  for  his  personal 
safety,  boats  containing  British  marines  kept  close  to  the 

As  they  approached  the  shore  it  was  seen  that  the  quays 
were  a  mass  of  people  and  that  the  ramparts  were  crowded. 
From  the  windows  of  the  houses  bright-coloured  shawls 
and  rugs  were  hanging  out,  and  the  ladies  of  Elba  were  in 
their  best  clothes. 

On  landing  Napoleon  was  received  by  the  civil  and  military 
authorities,  and  the  Mayor,  Traditi,  advanced,  bowed  low, 
and  presented  the  keys  of  the  town  on  a  silver  plate.  He  had 
prepared  a  little  speech,  but  was  overcome  with  emotion 

1  I  am  indel)ted  to  Mr.  Montgomery  Carmichael,  British  Consul  at  Leg- 
horuj  for  this  reference,  and  also  for  tlie  translation. 


From  a  French  caricature  of  1814 


and  unable  to  utter  a  word.  Napoleon  returned  him  the 
keys,  saying,  "  I  confide  them  to  you,  and  I  could  not  do 
better."  He  was  then  conducted  by  the  Vicar-General  under 
a  red  canopy  covered  with  tinsel  and  bordered  with  gilt  paper. 
He  was  clad  in  his  green  Chasseur's  uniform,  with  white 
breeches,  and  he  wore  the  star  of  the  Legion  of  Honour,  and 
the  decoration  of  the  iron  crown ;  on  his  hat  was  a  cockade 
with  the  new  Elban  colours.  As  he  walked  forward  he  was 
followed  in  procession  by  Generals  Bertrand  and  Drouot ; 
Captain  Ussher  and  General  Dalesme  ;  the  Austrian  and 
British  Commissioners  ;  Captain  Clam  and  Lieut.  Hastings  ; 
the  Treasurer  Peyrusse,  and  the  Pole  Jersmanowski ;  behind 
whom  came  the  remainder  of  Napoleon's  suite,  followed  by 
the  officers  of  H.M.S.  Undaunted  and  the  Elban  officials. 
The  National  Guards  and  the  French  troops  of  the  line  formed 
two  rows  on  either  side,  but  in  spite  of  their  presence  a  dense 
crowd  pressed  around  Napoleon,  impeding  his  progress  and 
causing  some  anxiety  for  his  safety.  However,  the  distance 
was  short,  and  they  soon  reached  the  cathedral. 

After  Mass  and  a  chanting  of  the  Te  Deum,  Napoleon  was 
glad  to  find  a  refuge  in  the  Hotel  de  Ville  close  by.  Here  a 
kind  of  throne  had  been  made  with  a  sofa  placed  upon  a 
raised  platform,  covered  with  scarlet  cloth  bordered  with 
gilt  paper.  All  the  notabilities  of  the  island  were  assembled, 
to  whom  Napoleon  made  a  short  speech  :  "  The  softness  of 
your  climate,  the  character  and  morals  of  your  inhabitants, 
have  decided  me  to  choose  your  island  for  my  sojourn.  I 
hope  you  will  love  me  as  my  children.  I  shall  always  feel 
for  you  the  solicitude  of  a  father."  Three  violins  and  two 
violoncellos  now  burst  into  joyous  music,  while  the  inhabitants 
were  presented  in  order  of  precedence. 

The  Emperor  astounded  these  worthy  people  by  the 
knowledge  he  displayed  of  their  island,  quoting  the  heights 
of  their  mountains,  and  displaying  information  which  few 
of  them  possessed.  To  their  simple  minds  he  seemed  endowed 
with  miraculous  powers.     They  did  not  know  that  these 


particulars  were  to  be  found  in  printed  books,  which  he 
had  studied  for  the  occasion.  To  some  of  them  no  doubt  all 
writing  was  a  mystery.  It  was  not  difficult  for  a  Napoleon 
to  send  them  away  gaping  with  wonder. 

Abler  men  than  the  unsophisticated  Elbans  had  often  been 
taken  in.  Ussher  was  much  impressed  when  Napoleon,  on 
seeing  a  man  in  the  crowd  wearing  the  order  of  the  Legion 
of  Honour,  sent  for  him  and  declared  he  remembered  giving 
him  that  decoration  on  the  field  of  Eylau.  Such  a  feat  of 
memory  was  not  impossible  to  Napoleon,  but  the  old  soldier 
would  be  easily  induced  to  believe  that  his  Emperor  re- 
membered him.  On  many  occasions  Napoleon  showed 
powers  that  seemed  miraculous  and  uncanny,  when  he  had 
in  fact  just  read  up  the  subject  or  received  a  hint  from  his 
suite,  and  had  then  carefully  prearranged  the  occasion  for 
an  impromptu  remark. 

Having  made  the  required  impression  as  to  his  marvellous 
mental  powers.  Napoleon  proceeded  to  exhibit  a  physical 
energy  which  was  also  regarded  as  superhuman.  He  went 
out  again  for  a  ride  to  examine  the  fortifications,  followed 
by  his  suite.  He  had  been  up  early,  had  taken  a  morning 
stroll,  and  at  his  formal  reception  had  walked  a  few  more 
paces  ;  now  he  was  on  horseback  for  an  hour  or  two.  There 
was  nothing  extraordinary  in  the  achievement.  Several  of 
his  suite  had  accompanied  him  at  every  step,  and  they  had  to 
undergo  the  additional  fatigue  of  walking  to  and  from  the 
point  from  which  he  started,  and  were  not,  like  their 
master,  spared  any  of  the  minor  exertions  of  the  expedi- 
tion ;  yet  it  is  not  contended  that  these  attendants  were 
endowed  with  miraculous  powers.  Pons  has  a  shrewd  remark 
upon  this  subject.  He  says  :  "  The  Emperor  appeared  to  be 
indefatigable  because  he  did  only  what  he  wanted,  how  he 
wanted,  and  when  he  wanted." 



NAPOLEON  was  not  satisfied  as  to  his  personal 
safety  at  the  Hotel  de  Ville.  At  first  he  had  asked 
Ussher  for  a  guard  of  fifty  marines,  but  feehng, 
perhaps,  that  he  would  be  giving  offence  if  he 
showed  his  lack  of  confidence  in  the  Elban  National  Guards 
and  the  French  regiment,  he  kept  only  one  British  officer  and 
two  sergeants  as  personal  attendants.  Now,  as  always,  he 
had  confidence  in  the  British  character,  and  no  other.  He 
took  a  great  fancy  to  one  of  the  sergeants,  an  Irishman,  who 
was  ordered  to  sleep  on  a  mattress  outside  his  door,  with  his 
clothes  on  and  his  sword  ready.  When  the  British  sailor  left, 
with  the  Undaunted,  one  of  the  orderly  officers  took  his  place, 
"  in  case  despatches  should  arrive  in  the  night." 

Apart  from  the  fear  of  assassination,  the  Hotel  de  Ville 
was  unsuitable.  Napoleon  sought  a  refuge  from  the  noise 
and  smell  of  the  town  :  where  he  was  mobbed  whenever 
he  emerged  ;  where  the  streets  were  the  only  drains  ;  and 
where  he  was  obliged  to  make  himself  unpopular  by  declaring 
that  he  disliked  music,  in  order  to  obtain  a  little  peace  from 
the  incessant  serenading  that  went  on. 

He  was  up  at  4  a.m.  on  the  day  after  his  reception.  He 
told  Pons  that  he  had  many  proofs  that  the  dawn  was  the 
tune  when  the  brain  was  most  keen  and  precise.  Another 
advantage  of  early  rising  was  that  it  enabled  him  to  escape 
the  crowds.  He  went  on  foot  for  several  hours  before 
breakfast,  inspecting  the  forts  and  magazines.    In  the  aiter- 



noon  he  rode  into  the  country  with  the  intention  of  selecting 
a  country  house. 

For  his  town  house,  or  Palace  as  it  was  to  be  called,  his 
first  choice  was  the  barrack  of  St.  Francis.  There  he  would 
have  been  able  to  find  room  for  General  Bertrand  and  his 
family  ;  but  Bertrand  preferred  to  live  apart  in  his  own 
domestic  circle.  On  hearing  this  Napoleon  at  once  gave  in  his 
adhesion,  "  I  had  almost  said  submission,"  writes  Pons. 
Colonel  Vincent,  who  was  acting  as  the  guide,  entered  in  his 
journal  that  the  Emperor  was  easier  to  please  than  the  Grand 
Marshal.  On  several  occasions  it  was  noticed  that  Napoleon, 
after  endeavouring  to  dispute  with  Bertrand,  gave  way. 
For  example.  Napoleon  was  enjoying  a  stroll  one  evening, 
and  hearing  a  violin  and  being  informed  that  a  dance  was 
taking  place  in  honour  of  the  marriage  of  a  sailor,  he  expressed 
his  intention  of  joining  the  wedding  party.  In  spite  of 
Bertrand's  protests  he  walked  on  towards  the  music,  but 
finally  had  to  abandon  the  project.  He  stopped,  and 
remarked  with  emphasis  :  "  It  is  in  small  things,  as  in  great. 
As  everybody  is  against  me,  I  must  yield."  ^ 

Without  further  opposition  from  Bertrand  Napoleon 
selected  a  house  situated  on  the  summit  above  the  town, 
close  to  Fort  Stella.  It  consisted  of  a  central  ground  floor 
with  wings  of  two  stories  on  each  side.  One  wing  was  occu- 
pied by  officers  of  the  Engineers,  the  other  by  their  comrades 
of  the  Artillery,  and  the  centre  provided  a  large  meeting- 

Napoleon  gave  orders  that  this  room  should  be  divided 
by  a  movable  partition,  so  as  to  provide  a  dining-room  for 
himself  on  one  side,  and  another  for  his  suite  on  the  other, 
while  by  removing  the  partition  the  whole  space  would  be 
available  for  receptions. ^  It  was  for  that  purpose  all  painted 
one  colour.    He  allowed  a  definite  sum,  1600  francs  (£64)  for 

'  As  husband  and  father  Bertrand  required  a  home  of  his  own.  As  Grand 
Marshal  an  Emperor  was  necessary  to  him,  and  he  disapproved  of  any  abate- 
ment of  tlie  Imperial  dignity. 

-  Correspondance,  No.  '2lo7ii. 


the  alterations,  and  fixed  the  date  when  they  "were  to  be 
finished  ;  he  cut  down  the  estimate  for  the  movable  partition 
from  438  fr.  64  c.  to  400  fr.  (£16).  ^  While  the  men  were  at 
work  he  was  already  in  residence,  and  he  took  a  great  interest 
in  their  operations,  offering  criticisms  and  making  changes 
which  retarded  progress.  He  even  assisted  in  mixing  the 
paint,  and  stained  his  fingers  in  the  process. 

He  afterwards  raised  the  roof  of  the  central  portion  of  the 
building,  to  provide  a  ballroom  above.  This  fine  apartment 
had  four  windows  on  each  side,  giving  views  of  the  town 
in  one  direction  and  of  the  sea  in  another.  Napoleon  may 
have  remembered  what  his  father  had  done  to  the  Casa 
Bonaparte  at  Ajaccio.  The  centre  was,  as  in  this  case,  lower 
than  the  wings.  The  space  under  the  roof  was  used  as  a 
giiardaroba,  or  storeroom  for  linen,  clothing,  and  household 
necessaries  of  all  sorts.  By  raising  it  Carlo  di  Bonaparte 
obtained  a  fine  apartment  not  unlike  that  which  his  son  was 
now  building. 

When  the  alterations  were  completed  Napoleon  occupied 
the  ground  floor,  and  his  sister  Pauline  had  the  first  floor, 
with  the  ballroom  for  receptions.  The  ground  floor  is  con- 
sidered by  Italians  to  be  unhealthy  for  the  sleeping  apart- 
ments, but  the  house  was  on  a  ridge  and  open  on  both  sides 
to  sea  and  air,  and  Napoleon  was  able  to  step  out  of  his 
rooms  on  to  the  garden  ;  and  in  the  summer  it  would  be 
cooler  below  than  in  the  rooms  near  the  roof. 

Napoleon's  bedroom  had  two  French  windows  on  to  the 
garden,  and  there  was  a  bathroom  attached.  Adjoining  were 
two  small  rooms,  the  study  and  the  library. 

The  kitchen  was  on  the  left,  and  the  dishes  had  to  be 
carried  through  the  garden  to  the  dining-room,  but  any  meals 
which  Napoleon  took  in  his  bedroom  could  be  served  by  way 
of  a  passage.  He  could  reach  the  apartments  of  Pauline,  and 
thence  the  reception-room  on  the  first  floor,  by  a  private 

*  Peyrusse,  "  Memorial  et  Archives,"  Appendix,  p.  47. 


The  big  room  is  forty  feet  long  by  thirty  broad.  The  ceiHng 
decoration  of  this  room  is  the  only  reminder  of  the  residence 
of  the  Emperor.  In  the  centre  there  is  depicted  a  sceptre 
with  leaves  of  laurel,  and  in  the  corner  angels  hold  a  wreath 
in  each  hand ;  these  symbols  of  power,  honour,  and  peace 
are  supported  by  six  fasces. 

Suitable  furniture  was  lacking.  The  Palace  of  Elise,  at 
Piombino,  contained  some  serviceable  pieces  ;  when  he 
learned  this,  Napoleon  gave  orders  to  Deschamps,  the  groom 
of  the  bedchamber,  to  go  to  Piombino  to  fetch  it.  Koller 
assisted  by  signing  a  note  to  be  delivered  to  the  Austrian 
officer  in  charge.  Deschamps  was  thus  enabled  to  bring  away 
all  that  he  demanded.  It  came  in  small  boats.  The  cost  of 
transport  is  entered  in  one  of  the  Treasurer's  accounts  at 
3282  francs^  (about  £130),  a  considerable  sum  for  so  short  a 
journey.  Deschamps  was  good  enough  to  give  the  officer 
an  exact  statement  of  all  that  he  had  taken,  as  Campbell 
observed,  "  on  account  of  whoever  might  be  the  owner." 

An  opportune  storm  drove  into  Portoferraio  a  ship  which 
had  on  board  certain  furniture  belonging  to  Prince  Borghese, 
the  husband  of  Pauline  ;  it  was  being  forwarded  from  Turin 
to  Rome.  Napoleon  appropriated  it  all,  without  going  to  the 
trouble  of  selection.  He  observed,  with  a  smile,  "  It  does  not 
go  out  of  the  family,"  and  was  careful  to  forward  to  Prince 
Borghese  a  complete  and  detailed  list  of  the  capture. 
Napoleon  also  bought,  for  £200,  the  furniture  belonging  to 
the  French  regiment,  and  he  gave  £240  for  what  he  found 
in  the  quarters  of  the  Engineer  and  Artillery  officers  in  the 

He  used  his  favourite  camp-bed.  Visitors  were  struck  with 
the  plain  simplicity,  not  to  say  shabbiness  of  his  apartments. 
Most  of  the  pieces  were  covered  with  faded  yellow  cloth,  and 
in  a  dilapidated  condition.  When  Fleury  de  Chaboulon 
visited  Napoleon  he  noticed  that  the  "  paper  of  shot  silk 
was  discoloured  and  almost  worn  out,  the  carpet  showed  its 
^  Peyrusse^  Appendix,  p.  34. 


seams,  and  had  been  patched  in  several  places  ;  some  sofas, 
badly  covered,  completed  the  furniture.  I  remembered 
the  luxury  of  the  Imperial  palaces,  and  the  comparison  drew 
from  me  a  deep  sigh."^ 

Napoleon  brought  with  him  from  Fontainebleau  the  fine 
service  of  silver  which  had  accompanied  him  on  his  campaigns. 
From  Fontainebleau  also  came  the  greater  part  of  his  library. 
He  bought  some  books  at  a  cost  of  240  francs  at  Frejus, 
and  at  Portoferraio  he  ordered  others  to  be  sent  from  Paris, 
Genoa,  and  Leghorn.  He  returned  some  to  Leghorn  to 
be  suitably  bound,  with  an  "  N  "  stamped  on  the  back. 
He  was  very  particular  about  the  appearance  of  his  books. 
He  wrote  to  Bertrand  on  the  17th  July  :  "  I  think  it  will 
be  necessary  to  have  all  the  books  to  be  sent  from  Leghorn, 
rebound.  Order  that,  if  it  is  possible,  an  '  N  '  is  put  on 
each."  2 

On  the  19th  September  ;  "  Tell  your  correspondent  at 
Leghorn  again  not  to  pay  for  the  books  until  they  have  been 
accepted  and  with  the  reduction  I  have  indicated  for  the 
old  books.  The  first  books  which  were  sent  were  inferior 
editions  and  remainders.  I  prefer  to  wait  and  have  a  good 
library.  Counter-order,  therefore,  all  that  can  be  counter- 
ordered.  "^ 

Again,  on  the  3rd  October,  he  writes  to  Bertrand  :  "  No 
book  will  be  paid  for  unless  it  has  been  accepted  by  my 
secretary,  who  will  consider  price  and  quality,  and  will  reject 
the  books  which  are  in  bad  condition."*  And  on  the  15th 
November  :  "I  have  made  some  reductions  with  regard 
to  the  works  which  are  old  and  incomplete.  Warn  Mr. 
Bartolucci  that  all  those  which  are  old  or  of  different  editions, 
or  which  have  some  defects,  will  not  be  accepted."^ 

No  author  was  permitted  to  present  himself,  as  part  of  the 

*  Fleury  de  Chaboulon,  "  Meitioires,''  p.  119. 

*  Correspondauce,  No.  21591. 

3  "  Le  Ke^istre  de  I'ile  d'Klbe,"  edited  by  L.  G.  Pe'lissier. 

*  Registre,  No.  90. 

*  Correspoiidauce,  No.  21655. 


household,  in  shabby  attire.  Imperial  etiquette  was  enforced 
even  here. 

On  his  return  to  Paris  the  Emperor  gave  his  library  to 
the  town  of  Portoferraio,  but  the  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany 
confiscated  many  of  the  best-bound  books,  and  others  have 
been  filched  away  at  various  times.  Those  that  remain,  some 
one  thousand  volumes  in  all,  are  now  on  shelves  at  the  Hotel 
de  Ville.  Most  of  them  came  from  Fontainebleau.  There 
are  works  on  mechanics,  chemistry,  military  science,  archae- 
ology, natural  history,  natural  philosophy,  botany,  mineralogy, 
ancient  and  modern  history  ;  translations  of  Greek  and  Latin 
authors  ;  the  works  of  Voltaire,  Rousseau,  Montaigne,  La 
Fontaine  ;  and  a  collection  of  fairy  tales  in  forty  volumes. 
Two  English  grammars  for  French  students  have  only  a  few 
pages  cut  in  each.  A  book  of  which  most  of  the  pages  are 
cut,  is  a  school  book  having  on  one  side  of  the  pages,  "Cent 
pensees  d'une  jeune  Anglaise,"  and  on  the  other  side  the 
English  equivalent.  Napoleon  may  have  turned  over  the 
leaves  of  this  book  with  a  mild  curiosity.  A  knowledge  of 
English  would  be  useful  to  him  in  the  event,  which  he 
deemed  not  impossible,  of  a  future  residence  in  England. 

Napoleon  removed  the  windmills  which  had  given  the 
house  its  name  of  Mulini.  He  converted  some  outbuildings 
that  had  been  used  as  a  guard-house  into  a  small  theatre 
for  amateur  performances.  He  cleared  away  a  number  of 
buildings  and  thus  obtained  a  small  square  on  the  front  of 
the  house,  where  his  carriage-and-four  could  turn  with 

The  house  has  a  frontage  of  120  feet.  Just  below  it  he  built 
two  rows  of  rooms  for  his  orderlies  and  guards,  the  roofs 
being  almost  on  a  level  with  the  square  in  front  of  the  house. 
He  had  to  make  a  road  for  his  carriage  for  the  short 
distance  that  lay  between  the  house  and  the  tunnel  entrance 
to  the  forts.  The  only  direct  route  to  the  Mulini  from  the 
town  is  by  a  long  flight  of  stairs  which  passes  close  to  the 
guard-houses.      With  his  soldiers  close  at  hand,  a  fort  on 



either  side,  and  the  only  approaches  either  through  a  tunnel 
Of  up  a  stairway,  he  felt  reasonably  secure.  The  house 
and  grounds  are  enclosed  within  walls  on  every  side,  and  are 
bounded  on  the  north  by  the  cliff  overlooking  the  sea. 

At  the  back  of  the  house,  on  the  north,  Napoleon  made 
a  small  garden  with  gravel  paths  and  flower  beds  in  the 
Italian  style.  The  garden  is  not  overlooked  by  any  windows 
save  those  of  the  house,  and  in  its  present  deserted  state  it 
conveys  a  feeling  of  seclusion  and  repose.  The  figure  of 
Mercury  and  the  Napoleonic  shields  are  late  additions  by 
Prince  Anatole  Demidoff  ;  and  there  were  no  substantial 
bushes  or  flourishing  palms  in  the  time  of  Napoleon. 

At  the  further  end  there  is  a  flagged  walk  150  feet  long, 
and  a  parapet  overlooking  the  sea.  In  mid-ocean  the  islands 
of  Capraia  and  Gorgona  are  visible  on  fine  days  ;  on  the  right 
are  the  Elban  hills,  and  the  Tuscan  coast  in  the  distance. 
From  this  point  Napoleon  could  watch  the  movements  of 
any  vessel  approaching  the  harbour. 

Forty  years  later  an  English  visitor  found  on  the  parapet  a 
slab  of  boards  roughly  nailed  together,  which  had  been 
erected  to  carry  Napoleon's  telescope.^  Here  he  would 
tramp  up  and  down  and  watch  the  sea  for  the  sails  which 
were  to  bring,  first  his  Guard,  then  his  mother,  then  his  sister 
Pauline;  and  from  here  also  he  saw,  with  great  anxiety,  H.M. 
frigate  Partridge  making  for  the  harbour  at  the  moment 
when  all  was  preparation  and  bustle  there  for  his  departure. 

On  the  21st  May,^  Napoleon  installed  himself  in  the  Mulini 
Palace,  although  even  the  ground  floor  was  scarcely  in- 
habitable, and  his  medical  attendant,  Fourreau,  declared  that 
the  smell  of  the  paint  was  unhealthy.^  The  displaced  officers 
of  engineers  and  artillery  went  into  the  quarters  Napoleon 

^  "The  Island  Empire,"  p.  G.  The  author  of  this  anonymous  work  was 
Henry  Drummond  Wolff,  who  was  an  attiiclie  at  Florence  in  11352.  I  owe 
this  discovery  to  Mr.  R.  A.  Streatlield,  of  the  British  Museum. 

*  Vincent,  "Memoires  de  Tons,"  Vol.  Ill,  p.  lUO. 

'  At  St.  Helena  Napoleon  declined  to  permit  improvements  at  Longwood, 
alleging  his  excessive  susceptihility  to  the  odour  of  oil  paint. 


was  quitting  at  the  Hotel  de  Ville,  where  Bertrand  and  his 
family  were  also  installed.  ,     ,     .  ^  tv,. 

Before  that,  on  the  16th  May,  Napoleon  had  given  at  the 
Hotel  de  nile  his  first  soeial  reeeption,  a  drawmg-room,  or 
cercle  des  dames.  About  fifty  ladies,  dressed  in  grande  toMte, 
were  seated  on  ehairs  at  eaeh  side  of  the  room,  with  the 
gentlemen  standing  behind  them.  When  Napoleon  entered, 
they  all  rose,  and  he  went  down  the  line  asknig  eaeh  one  the 
same  questions,  as  to  the  oecupation  of  the  father  or  husband, 
and.  if  married,  the  number  of  ehildren.  Campbell  was  horri- 
fied to  reeognise  among  the  elite  of  Portoferraio  a  young 
woman  with  her  two  sisters,  to  whom  he  had  delivered  a 
uniform  for  repairs.  He  writes  of  the  ceremony  :  After 
this  farce  was  played  off  Napoleon  spoke  to  two  or  three  of 
the  gentlemen  wJ  were  nearest  him  at  the  end  of  the  room 
and  at  last  walked  oft,  apparently  impressed  with  the 
ridiculous  nature  of  the  scene."' 

In  the  Palais  des  Moulins  Napoleon  was  not  so  accessible 
as  at  the  HMel  de  Ville.  The  entree  was  ^^f  ""^  §"^"1^^; 
and  the  etiquette  of  the  Imperial  Court  was  established  The 
various  officials  had  to  live  in  or  near  to  the  Palace  as  they 
were  liable  to  be  summoned  to  give  an  account  of  their  work 
It  any  hour  of  the  day  or  night,  according  to  the  caprice  of 

''Inrdtn::;  had  to  be  arranged  with  General  Bertrand, 
the  "  Grand  Marshal  of  the  Palace  of  the  Emperor. 

Born  at  Chateauroux  in  1773,  Bertrand  was  the  son  of  the 
local  inspector  of  waters  and  forests.  In  September,  1793, 
alrXantage  of  the  opportunity  afforded  for  a  military 
career  by  the  emigration  of  officers,  he  entered  the  Army  as  a 
Lieutenant  of  Engineers.  In  1798  he  went  as  a  Captain  to 
Egypt  with  Napoleon,  and  by  1800  had  risen  to  the  rank  of 

''Xt:;^ :r  into  prominent  notice  in  1S05,  when  the 
Austrians  were  about  to  blow  up  the  Tabor  Bridge  at  Vienna, 

1  Campbell,  p.  231. 


to  prevent  the  French  from  crossing  the  river.  Murat  en- 
deavoured to  make  the  Austrians  believe  that  a  truce  had 
been  declared,  but  they  were  not  convinced  until  General 
Bertrand  pledged  his  word  of  honour  for  the  statement ; 
by  means  of  this  deliberate  falsehood  the  bridge  was  kept 
intact  and  the  French  troops  were  able  to  cross  it,  a  matter 
of  great  importance.^  On  hearing  the  story  the  Emperor, 
perceiving  that  here  he  had  an  officer  who  was  not  too  squeam- 
ish and  would  stick  at  nothing,  kept  him  in  good  appoint- 
ments. He  was  sent  in  1807  as  Napoleon's  Adjutant-General 
to  the  King  of  Prussia,  with  instructions  to  obtain  a  separate 
treaty  of  peace  with  Prussia,  but  that  proved  beyond  his 

Bertrand  was  present  at  Friedland  and  at  Wagram,  and 
went  through  the  Russian  campaign.  In  1813  he  had  an 
important  command ;  but  he  gave  the  Emperor  too 
favourable  reports,  and  thereby  deceived  him  as  to  the  true 
position  of  affairs — a  great  disservice.  Napoleon,  however, 
preferred  that  type  of  man  near  his  person,  and  Bertrand 
having  distinguished  himself  after  Leipzig  at  Hanau,  in 
November,  1813,  was  promoted  to  the  post  of  Grand  Marshal 
of  the  Palace,  to  succeed  Duroc. 

In  that  capacity  he  was  with  Napoleon  at  Fontaine- 
bleau,  and  felt  obliged  to  accompany  him  to  Elba,  not,  how- 
ever, without  letting  it  be  seen  that  he  did  so  unwillingly, 
and  only  because  his  over-sensitive  honour  made  it  impossible 
to  draw  back.  Bertrand  was  from  this  time  forward 
Napoleon's  chief  supporter,  private  confidant,  and  official 

At  Elba  Bertrand  was  Chief  of  the  Civil  Administration 
with  a  salary  of  20,000  francs  (about  £800).  Madame 
Bertrand,  a  tall  and  dignified  woman,  was  the  daughter  of 
General  Arthur  Dillon  by  Anne  Laure  Girardin,  a  cousin  of 
the  Empress  Josephine.  Her  father  was  guillotined  during 
the  Terror,  when  she  was  eight  years  old.  She  had  never 
*  Fournier,  "  Napoleon  I,"  Vol.  I,  p.  37G. 


been  in  England,  but  spoke  English  with  ease.  Napoleon 
ordered  her  to  marry  Bertrand,  and  though  at  first  she 
refused,  she  had  to  submit,  and  the  marriage  proved  a 
very  happy  one. 

Madame  did  not  scruple  to  express  to  visitors  her  regret 
at  the  necessity  which  compelled  her  and  her  family  to  go  to 
Elba  ;  indeed,  she  was  voluble  upon  the  subject  of  the 
sacrifices  they  were  making,  and  declared  that  nothing  would 
induce  her  to  stay  more  than  a  few  months.  Her  eldest  child, 
a  boy,  born  just  before  the  battle  of  Wagram  in  1809,  was  the 
godchild  of  the  Emperor  and  named  after  him.  The  second 
child,  Hortense,  went  with  the  parents  to  St.  Helena.  A 
third  was  born  and  died  at  Portoferraio,  to  the  intense  grief 
of  the  parents,  who  were  devoted  to  their  children.  Bertrand 
dined  habitually  with  his  family  and  spent  as  much  of  his 
time  in  his  own  home  as  Napoleon's  service  permitted. 
Madame  Bertrand  was  not  sociable,  did  not  entertain  and 
paid  few  visits.  She  kept  away  even  from  Napoleon,  in 
spite  of  the  Emperor's  courtesies  towards  her.  The  Ber- 
trands  were  "  correct  "  to  Napoleon.  They  did  their  duty 
and  no  more. 

An  English  visitor  found  the  Bertrands  in  miserable 
apartments  in  the  Hotel  de  Ville :  brick  floors,  bare  walls, 
no  curtains  to  the  windows,  the  furniture  a  few  chairs  and 
a  sofa  for  Madame  Bertrand,  consisting  of  a  mattress  placed 
on  chairs.  "  How  different,"  said  Madame,  "  from  our 
apartments  at  the  Tuileries."^  It  was  one  of  Napoleon's 
severest  trials  that  his  chief  followers  made  it  plain  that 
they  regarded  themselves  as  martyrs  to  their  position. 

Drouot,  born  in  1774,  was  the  son  of  a  baker.  In  the  great 
year  of  opportunity,  1793,  he  obtained  a  commission  as 
Second  Lieutenant  in  the  Artillery.  He  was  present  with 
Kellermann  at  the  battle  of  Fleurus,  with  Moreau  at  Hohen- 
linden,  and  with  Napoleon  at  Wagram,  where  he  distinguished 

^  Vivian,  J.  H.,  "  Minutes  of  a  conversation  with  Napoleon  Buonaparte  at 
Elba,"  p.  9. 


himself.  He  went  through  the  Russian  campaign.  As 
Brigadier-General,  in  1813  he  commanded  the  artillery  at 
the  battles  of  Liitzen  and  Bautzen,  and  was  promoted 
before  the  end  of  the  year  to  General  of  Division,  A.D.C. 
to  Napoleon,  and  Aide-Major  of  the  Guard.  He  was  thus 
brought  near  to  the  person  of  the  Emperor,  who  was  pleased 
with  him,  and  made  him  a  Count  of  the  Empire  on  the  22nd 
March,  1814.  Being  at  Fontainebleau  in  attendance,  Drouot 
volunteered  to  follow  his  benefactor  into  exile. 

Returning  with  him  to  Paris,  he  was  present  at  Waterloo. 
He  did  not  offer  to  go  to  St.  Helena.  After  the  return  of  the 
Bourbons  he  was  tried  before  a  court-martial  on  the  charge 
of  high  treason,  and  acquitted.  He  retired  in  1825  as  a 
Lieutenant-General,  and  died  in  1847. 

Drouot  was  the  onh^  one  of  Napoleon's  suite  wiiose  devotion 
was  undoubted,  beyond  all  question,  for  he  declined  the 
present  of  100,000  francs  which  Napoleon  offered  him,  on 
the  express  ground  that  he  did  not  require  a  bribe  to  buy  his 
allegiance,  and  that  its  acceptance  would  interfere  with  his 
freedom.  He  was  a  bachelor,  content  with  any  room  that 
might  be  provided  for  him.  He  was  very  religious,  spending 
a  good  part  of  every  day  over  his  devotions.  As  Governor 
of  the  Island  and  Director  of  Military  Affairs,  with  a  salary  of 
12,000  francs  (£480),  Drouot  was  industrious,  conscientious, 
and  devoted  to  his  work.  In  private  life  he  was  much  es- 
teemed for  his  kindness,  geniality,  and  sympathetic  good 
nature.  There  were  occasions  when  Napoleon  found  Drouot's 
perfections  rather  fatiguing. 

His  two  chief  followers  were  as  the  poles  apart  in  character, 
and  in  the  nature  of  their  allegiance.  To  Bertrand  Napoleon 
was  an  institution  with  which  he  was  connected  ;  to  Drouot 
he  was  the  embodiment  of  the  glory  of  France,  and  his  own 
benefactor,  now  suffering  from  misfortune.  Bertrand's 
attachment  was,  in  a  great  measure,  selfish  or  involuntary  ; 
Drouot's  was  due  to  patriotism,  gratitude,  and  compassion. 
The  Treasurer  was  Guillaumc   Peyrusse.     Born  at   Car- 


cassonne  in  1776,  Peyrusse^  enlisted  in  the  Revolutionary 
army  in  1793,  at  the  age  of  seventeen,  and  went  through 
some  of  the  campaigns  in  the  Pyrenees.  He  left  the  army 
in  1800.  In  the  early  days  of  the  Empire  his  brother  Andre, 
Receiver-General  of  the  Department  of  Indre  et  Loire, 
obtained  for  him  a  position  in  the  office  of  the  Crown 
Treasur}^  In  1809  he  was  Paymaster  at  headquarters,  and  in 
that  capacity  followed  the  army  in  the  campaign  of  Wagram. 
In  1812,  as  Paymaster  of  the  Crown  Treasury  in  the  suite 
of  the  Emperor,  he  went  with  him  to  Moscow,  and  fol- 
lowed him  in  the  campaigns  of  Germany  in  1813,  and  of 
France  in  1814.  He  was  thus  in  the  suite  of  Napoleon  at 
Fontainebleau  at  the  time  of  the  abdication,  and  volunteered 
to  accompany  him  to  Elba. 

Napoleon  gave  him  the  appointment  at  Elba  of  Paymaster 
and  Receiver-General,  at  a  salary  of  12,000  francs  (£480). 
When  he  was  asked  why  he  had  followed  Napoleon,  he 
replied  :  "  I  did  not  follow  Napoleon,  I  followed  my  treasure." 
Peyrusse  returned  to  France  with  Napoleon,  and  then  his 
ambition  was  finally  satisfied  ;  he  was  placed  at  the  head  of 
his  department  as  Treasurer-General  of  the  Crown,  and  was 
made  a  Baron  of  the  Empire. 

He  was  living  in  retirement  at  Carcassonne  when,  in  1821, 
the  terms  of  a  codicil  in  the  will  of  Napoleon  became  known  : 
"  I  had  with  the  banker  Torlonia,  at  Rome,  two  to  three 
hundred  thousand  livres  "  (£8000  to  £12,000)  "of  my 
revenues  from  the  Island  of  Elba.  After  1815,  M.  de  la 
Peyrusse,  although  he  was  no  longer  treasurer,  and  had  no 
authority,  took  for  himself  this  sum.  He  must  be  made  to 
return  it."  There  was  no  justification  for  this  statement. 
Peyrusse  was  a  thoroughly  honest  man,  who  never  took 
advantage  of  his  position,  though  opportunities  for  doing  so 
with  small  risk  of  detection  were  not  wanting.  It  was  very 
hard  upon  an  upright,  exact,  and  conscientious  official  to  be 
thus  publicly  denounced  upon  a  false  charge.    However,  he 

1  "Lettres  inedites  du  Baron  Guillaume  Peyrusse/'  by  L.  G.  Pelissier. 


succeeded  in  obtaining  from  Napoleon's  executors  complete 
exoneration  in  writing  ;  and  in  1853  asked  for  and  obtained 
from  Napoleon  III,  expressly  as  a  vindication  of  his  character, 
the  decoration  of  a  Commander  of  the  Legion  of  Honour. 
He  died  at  Carcassonne  in  1860,  aged  eighty-four. 

Peyrusse  was  fond  of  good  food  and  wine,  and  of  pretty 
women  ;  he  was  a  bon  viveur  so  far  as  his  circumstances  would 
permit,  a  gay  and  light-hearted  man.  At  Elba,  where  grumb- 
ling was  the  rule,  somebody  complained  of  his  perpetual  laugh. 
On  that  dull  little  island,  as  during  the  retreat  from  Russia, 
and  under  all  conditions,  even  when  prostrated  by  sea-sickness 
on  the  voyages  to  and  from  Elba — Peyrusse  made  the  best  of 
things.  He  has  left  memoirs  and  letters  describing  his 
experiences  with  the  armies  in  the  campaigns  of  1809,  1812, 
1813,  and  1814,  and  during  the  Elba  sojourn,  besides  his 
official  accounts  of  money  transactions.  Written  without 
affectation  or  pretension,  the  ordinary  remarks  of  an  average 
official  at  the  time,  who  happened  to  ffiid  himself  a  partici- 
pator in  events  of  great  importance,  these  homely  records 
are  of  considerable  value. 

The  Physician-in-Chief  was  Fourreau  de  Beauregard,  who 
had  been  the  veterinary  surgeon  in  charge  of  the  Imperial 
stables,  and  had  assisted  in  the  ambulance  work  in  the 
campaign  of  1814.  His  salary  was  15,000  francs  (£600).  He 
was  a  gossip,  who  brought  Napoleon  all  the  small  scandal  of 
the  place.  He  visited  him  at  the  same  hour  every  morn- 
ing. On  one  occasion,  the  Emperor  being  in  his  bath,  the 
Physician-in-Chief  brought  him  a  basin  of  soup  so  hot  that 
he  could  not  take  it,  and  when  Napoleon  proceeded  to  blow 
off  the  vapour,  Fourreau  told  him  that  in  so  doing  he  absorbed 
air,  which  might  give  him  colic.  Napoleon  angrily  replied  : 
"  In  spite  of  Aristotle  and  his  cabal,  at  my  age  I  know  how 
to  drink,  and  do  not  need  to  be  taught  by  you." 

Gatti  was  the  apothecary,  a  person  of  very  moderate 
ability,  with  a  salary  of  7800  francs  (£312). 

Deschamps  and  Baillon  had  been  Grooms  to  the  Bedchamber 


at  the  Tuileries,  and  were  now  promoted  to  the  title  of 
Prefects  of  the  Palace,  with  a  salary  of  4000  francs  (£160) 
each.  Deschamps  was  an  old  gendarme  who  made  him- 
self disagreeable  to  all  with  his  rough  and  vulgar  manners. 
Baillon  was  an  old  soldier  who  carried  his  martial  air 
into  the  drawing-room,  but  he  was  not  unpopular. 

The  four  chamberlains  were  Elbans  :  Lapi,  a  doctor, 
who  was  also  Director  of  Domains  and  Forests,  and  Com- 
mander of  the  Elban  Guard  ;  Vantini,  of  the  Elban  aristoc- 
racy ;  Traditi,  Mayor  of  Portoferraio,  also  of  the  aristocrats 
of  Elba,  an  excellent  man  ;  and  Gualandi,  the  Mayor  of 
Rio  Montague.  The  salary  of  the  chamberlains  was  only 
1200  francs  (£48). 

There  were  five  orderl}''  officers.  At  their  head  was  a  certain 
Roule,  who  arrived  at  Portoferraio  declaring  himself  a 
Major  of  the  Artillery,  and  a  perfervid  admirer  of  Napoleon. 
Although  he  was  a  quarrelsome,  noisy  man,  and  only  a 
Captain,  Napoleon  accepted  his  services.  Under  him  were 
Vantini,  son  of  the  chamberlain ;  Senno,  whose  father 
was  one  of  the  capitalists  of  the  island;  Perez,  Binelli, 
and  Bernotti. 

Paoli,  a  Corsican,  and  relative  of  the  great  Pasquale  Paoli, 
he  made  Captain  of  the  Elba  Gendarmes  ;  he  was  trained 
by  Napoleon  as  a  personal  attendant.  The  abilities  of  this 
young  man  may  be  judged  from  the  reply  he  was  heard  to 
make  to  an  enquiry  by  the  Emperor  as  to  the  hour:  "It  is 
whatever  time  Your  Majesty  may  please."  The  remark  was 
received  with  a  gesture  of  expostulation,  but  Napoleon  was 
not  displeased  by  banalities  of  that  sort,  and  treated  Paoli 
with  the  greatest  favour. 

Another  Corsican  whom  Napoleon  found  at  Elba  was 
the  Vicar-General,  Arrighi,  whom  he  appointed  his  private 
chai3lain.  Arrighi  appears  to  have  been  a  contemjitible 
person,  and  addicted  to  indulgence  in  wine.  He  vaunted 
his  powers  of  protection  to  all  Elbans  as  a  cugino  carnaro, 
or  blood  cousin,  of  the  Emperor. 

§  I 

><      S 


Of  the  two  secretaries,  Napoleon  took  from  Bertrand, 
Rathery  and  gave  him  Savournin  instead  ;  their  salaries 
were  4000  (£160)  and  2000  francs  (£80). 

The  attendants  officially  described  as  "  pour  la  bouche,'' 
or  as  we  should  say,  "  in  the  kitchen,"  were  a  maitre  d'hotel, 
a  carver,  a  chef,  with  assistant  and  boy,  a  roaster,  three 
other  assistants,  a  butler,  a  steward,  a  boy,  and  a  baker, 
thirteen  persons  in  all,  whose  salaries  came  to  a  total  of 
20,000  francs  (£800). 

Napoleon  brought  with  him  from  Fontainebleau  two  valets, 
Hubert  and  Pelard,  capable  men  who,  however,  refused  to 
remain.  They  returned  to  France,  and  were  replaced  by 
Marchand,  salary  2400  francs  (£96), and  Jilli,  2000  francs  (£80). 
The  name  of  Marchand  was  from  henceforth  to  be  associated 
with  that  of  Napoleon,  and  seldom  has  a  valet  become  so 
great  a  personage.  Marchand  was  a  superior  man.  He  had 
been  well  educated  for  one  in  his  position,  his  manners 
and  tact  were  perfect,  and  he  became  devoted  to  the 

The  two  grooms,  St.  Denis,  known  as  Ali  to  imitate  the 
mameluke,  and  Noverraz,  were  faithful  servants  who,  with 
Marchand,  accompanied  Napoleon  to  St.  Helena.  There 
were  two  ushers,  Dorville  and  Santini ;  six  footmen,  of  whom 
Archambault  and  Mathias  were  the  chief,  and  nine  other 
attendants,  making  with  valets  and  grooms  a  total  of 
twenty-one  persons. 

There  was  a  head  gardener,  Hollard,  w^ith  one  assistant 
under  him  ;  and  a  director  of  music,  whose  band  consisted 
of  one  pianist  and  two  female  singers. 

Of  the  civil  administrators  of  the  island,  Baccini,  a 
Genoese,  was  a  capable  but  not  over  -  assiduous  President 
of  the  Tribunal. 

Poggi,  Judge,  was  a  Corsican  settled  in  Elba.  Napoleon 
charged  him  with  the  secret  police,  and  was  always  inter- 
ested in  any  reports  he  had  to  make,  chiefly  small  scandal 
and  gossip  about  the  leading  inhabitants. 


Balbiani  was  the  Intendant,  a  hard-working  man  of  good 
business  habits.  It  amused  him  to  ask  whether  he  was  to 
regard  himself  as  French  or  Tuscan  or  Elban,  and  give  the 
answer,  saying  that  he  belonged  to  the  nation  that  kept  him 
in  employment.    He  had  a  large  family. 

Napoleon  insisted  upon  the  strictest  etiquette  being  main- 
tained, precisely  as  if  he  were  still  at  the  Tuileries.  He 
told  his  followers  that  he  tested  their  conduct  by  that  high 
standard.  When  he  drove  out,  Bertrand  and  Drouot,  if  in  the 
carriage,  had  to  keep  their  hats  off  so  long  as  they  were  in  the 
town.  When  Napoleon  was  in  Ussher's  barge  with  Koller, 
Campbell,  and  others,  some  of  the  party,  following  Bertrand's 
example,  remained  uncovered,  until  Napoleon  excused  them, 
saying  :  "  We  are  all  here  as  soldiers  together."  When  a 
stranger  kept  his  hat  on  Napoleon  always  told  his  attendants 
to  put  theirs  on  also. 

He  neglected  none  of  the  privileges  of  royalty.  One  of  his 
orders  to  the  marine  was  :  "  When  I  go  out  "  (on  the  water) 
*'  my  flag  will  not  be  unfurled  if  I  am  incognito  ;  nobody 
will  pay  any  attention  ;  if  I  am  in  ceremonious  state  my 
flag  will  be  hoisted." 

He  drove  always  with  four  horses,  with  postilions  and  out- 
riders, and  a  small  mounted  Staff,  with  a  few  Polish  Lancers. 
He  put  down  £20  a  month  in  his  personal  budget  to  be  dis- 
tributed in  charity,  and  seldom  gave  anything  in  the  street 
to  beggars,  saying  that  if  he  did  so  they  would  surround 
him  and  make  walking  impossible.  Indeed,  he  found  that 
even  on  horseback  he  could  not  escape.  One  day,  when  he 
was  riding  in  the  country  a  woman  kneeled  in  the  middle 
of  the  road,  apparently  absorbed  in  her  devotions.  When 
Napoleon  approached  she  rose  and  clasped  the  legs  of  his 
horse  in  a  manner  dangerous  both  to  herself  and  the  Emperor. 
She  demanded  alms,  Avhicli  were  hastily  given  to  be  rid  of 

Petitioners  he  generally  attended  to.  A  man  presented  a 
petition  beginning  with  the  words  :    "  Sire,  it  has  happened 


to  me  as  to  you,  I  have  been  dismissed  from  employment 
without  knowing  it  or  wishing  it,  as  you  will  understand." 
Napoleon  read  no  further  ;  exclaiming  that  he  could  not  allow 
a  man  to  die  of  hunger  who  stood  exactly  in  his  own  position, 
he  ordered  some  employment  to  be  found  for  him. 

Some  of  those  who  waylaid  him  wished  only  the  honour 
of  his  notice,  and  with  them  he  was  affable  and  encouraging, 
as  long  as  he  was  able  to  maintain  his  dignity.  He  showed 
great  satisfaction  when  he  had  established  a  marked 
superiority  in  the  conversation.  Victory  was  necessary  to 
him  as  much  in  these  chance  encounters  as  on  the  great 

Of  the  English  travellers  a  few  obtained  private  audiences 
with  the  Emperor  ;  the  remainder  collected  in  the  road 
where  he  was  expected  to  pass,  and  stood  at  the  side  to  gaze 
at  the  prodigy.  Napoleon  said  one  day  :  "  I  am  for  them  an 
object  of  great  curiosity.  Let  them  satisfy  it,  then  they  will 
go  back  to  their  country  and  amuse  the  '  Gentlemans  '  by 
misrepresenting  my  appearance  and  gestures."  Then,  after 
a  pause,  he  added  sadly  :  "  They  have  won  the  game  and  may 
claim  the  reward."  ^  But  he  soon  became  annoyed  at  being 
regarded  as  an  animal  to  be  watched  in  his  cage,  and  gave 
instructions  that  new  arrivals  were  to  be  closely  examined. 
Angles,  the  Minister  of  Police  in  Paris,  received  from  his 
spy  a  report  that  the  restrictions  upon  the  right  of  landing 
were  due  to  the  Emperor's  fear  of  assassination.  A  boat 
arrived  one  day  with  thirty-two  passengers,  of  whom  only 
four  were  allowed  to  land,  and  they  were  English,  whom 
Napoleon  trusted. 

Pons  saw  much  of  the  English  visitors,  for  most  of  them 
went  to  visit  the  mines.  He  was  surprised  to  fmd  that  they 
did  not  rush  into  each  other's  arms  when  they  chanced  to 
meet,  and  asked  Campbell  to  explain  the  national  idio- 
syncrasy of  waiting  to  be  spoken  to.  Campbell  said  that 
many  English  travelled  merely  to  display  their  wealth,  and 
1  Pous,  p.  127.  "  Pons,  p.  83. 


the  better  class  of  English  visitors  would  have  nothing  to 
do  with  them.  And  this  remark  of  Pons  is  also  quite 
modern:  "What  is  uniform  among  the  English,  to  what- 
ever class  they  may  belong,  is  praise  of  the  Emperor,  and 
really  they  seem  to  rival  each  other  in  their  expressions  of 

<    ~ 

—        ? 



ON  the  6th  May,  two  days  after  his  arrival, 
Napoleon  made  an  expedition  to  Rio  to  inspect 
the  famous  mines.  At  6  a.m.,  accompanied  by 
Bertrand  and  Drouot,  with  Dalesme,  Ussher,  and 
Campbell,  he  embarked  on  the  quay  in  the  barge  of  the 
Undaunted,  and  crossed  the  bay  to  the  eastern  shore  at 
Magazzini,  where  Elban  ponies  were  waiting  to  carry  the 
party  over  the  mountains.  The  road  was  romantic  and  the 
views  beautiful.  They  had  first  to  ascend  the  hill  of  Vol- 
terraio,  the  road  winding  from  side  to  side  amid  a  luxurious 
vegetation  of  aloe,  clematis,  geranium,  lavender,  and  many 
odoriferous  shrubs.  They  passed  near  the  summit  upon 
which  were  still  the  remains  of  the  famous  fortress  which  had 
resisted  even  Barbarossa  himself.  Here  the  Elbans  had  made 
their  last  stand,  and  as  there  are  precipices  on  all  sides  the 
failure  of  the  corsair  is  not  surprising.  Napoleon  was  much 
impressed  by  the  remarkable  position  of  the  citadel. 

They  were  met  above  Rio  Montague  by  Pons  and  Gualandi, 
the  Mayor.  Hillocks  of  the  excavated  red  earth  lay  about. 
The  visitors  were  taken  into  the  principal  mine,  two  guides 
with  torches  showing  the  way.  When  they  had  arrived  at  a 
large  opening  it  was  suddenly  lighted  up,  to  the  astonishment 
of  the  simple  Ussher,  who  at  first  thought  there  had  been 
an  explosion,  and  admired  the  composure  of  Napoleon,  calmly 
taking  a  pinch  of  snuff. 

The  fishermen  of  Rio  Marina  had  already  cast  their  nets, 


126  NAPOLEON   IN   EXILE  :    ELBA 

and  had  obtained  a  miraculous  draught,  a  fish  weighing 
twenty-five  pounds.  The  march  into  the  small  town  was  of 
a  triumphal  nature.  Young  girls  headed  the  procession 
which  greeted  the  Emperor  and  escorted  him  into  the  town, 
while  the  merchant  vessels,  anchored  near  the  shore,  fired  off 
all  the  guns  they  had.  People  crowded  to  kiss  Napoleon's 
hands,  or  to  present  petitions.  The  Elban  flag  waved  over 
the  house  of  Pons,  the  priest  stood  at  the  door  of  the  church  : 
"  It  was  a  hearty  reception,"  says  Pons,  "  worth  more  than 
many  others."^ 

So  far  Napoleon  had  been  very  affable  towards  the  ad- 
ministrator of  the  mines,  but  unfortunately  there  were  a 
number  of  lilies  growing  in  beds  near  the  house,whichNapoleon 
observed  ;  he  called  the  attention  of  Pons  to  the  Bourbon 
symbol,  and  then  turned  his  back  upon  the  distressed  official. 
He  asked  Dalesme  whether  Pons  was  still  a  republican,  to 
which  the  General  could  only  reply  that  he  was  always  a 
patriot.  At  breakfast  Napoleon,  with  studied  rudeness  to 
Pons,  made  a  point  of  talking  to  the  Mayor  and  asking  him 
for  details  about  the  mines.  The  meal  was  not  gay.  Ber- 
trand  never  opened  his  mouth.  Taillade,  a  former  midship- 
man of  the  French  Navy,  had  the  audacity  to  say  of  a 
mathematical  problem  which  Napoleon  found  some  difficulty 
in  solving :  "  Nothing  could  be  simpler,  a  child  could  do  it." 
Everybody  was  aghast,  but  the  Emperor  soon  succeeded  in 
exposing  his  ignorance. 

They  returned  as  they  had  come,  by  horseback  over  the 
mountains,  and  then  at  5  p.m.  entered  the  barge  for  Porto- 
ferraio.  Pons  relates  that  Gualandi,  having  accompanied 
Napoleon  to  the  water's  edge,  asked  permission  to  retire, 
and  then,  with  one  knee  on  the  earth,  kissed  the  Emperor's 
hand  and  said,  "  In  te  Domine,  speravi  "  ;  whereupon 
Dalesme,  disgusted  at  the  slavish  ceremony,  told  him  that 
he  was  "  une  canaille  dhme  fameuse  espece  "  (an  utter  cad). 
Napoleon  pretended  not  to  hear  that  remark.     Pons  then 

1  Pons^  p.  47. 


"  saluted  "  him  and  returned  to  Rio.  Napoleon  observed  to 
Dalesme  that  Pons  "  had  not  troubled  himself  about  going 
off."  Pons  learned  that  he  should  have  accompanied 
Napoleon  back  to  the  Palace  unless  he  had  obtained  leave  to 
depart.  He  did  not  perceive  that  Napoleon  preferred  the 
excessive  self-abasement  of  Gualandi  to  his  own  self-sufficient 
independence.  Even  Bertrand  was  smartly  censured  on  one 
occasion  for  having  omitted  to  obtain  permission  to  depart. 
He  had  gone  to  Longone  and  been  received  by  Napoleon, 
and  had  returned  to  Portoferraio  when  their  business  was 
concluded.  Napoleon  wrote  to  him :  "  Monsieur  Count 
Bertrand,  you  left  without  first  speaking  to  me  ;  that  is 
very  bad  behaviour,  and  another  time  you  must  wait  until 
I  have  dismissed  j'ou."^ 

On  the  8th  May  the  Cura^oa,  Captain  Tower,  arrived 
at  Portoferraio  bringing  Mr.  Locker,  Secretary  to  the 
Commander-in-Chief,  Sir  Edward  Pellew.  It  was  Locker's 
duty  to  present  to  Napoleon  a  copy  of  the  convention  of  the 
23rd  April,  preliminary  to  the  Treaty  of  Paris.  Napoleon 
read  it  in  silence,  in  the  presence  of  Roller,  Campbell,  Ussher, 
Bertrand,  and  the  chief  followers,  and  when  he  had  concluded, 
returned  it  to  Locker  with  polite  expressions  of  his  obligations 
to  the  Commander-in-Chief.  He  was  demonstrating  his 
complete  indifference  to  all  such  affairs,  having  no  longer 
any  part  in  politics. 

On  the  9th  Roller  took  his  leave,  and  embarked  on  the 
Cura^oa  for  Genoa.  Roller  had  been  respected  and  liked 
by  them  all.  Napoleon  gave  him  the  following  letter  for  the 
Empress  Marie  Louise  : — 

"  PoRTOFEERAio,  the  9th  May,  1814. 
"  My  good  Louise, 

"  General  Roller,  who  accompanied  me  here,  and  with 
whom  I  am  very  pleased,  is  returning.    I  am  entrusting  him 
with  this  letter.    I  beg  thee  to  write  to  thy  father  to  do  some- 
'  Correspondauce,  No.  21G33. 


thing  to  show  regard  for  this  General,  who  has  been  most 

"  I  have  been  here  five  days.  I  am  having  prepared  a 
nice  house  with  a  garden  where  the  air  is  good,  where  I  shall 
go  in  three  days.  My  health  is  perfect.  The  inhabitants 
seem  good  people  and  the  country  is  agreeable.  What  I  want 
is  to  have  news  of  thee,  and  to  know  thou  art  well ;  I  have 
received  nothing  since  the  courier  that  thou  didst  send  to  me, 
who  reached  me  at  Frejus.  Good-bye,  my  friend.  Give  a 
kiss  to  my  son." 

Still  the  proud  man  would  not  ask  his  wife  to  join  him. 

This  day  Napoleon  paid  his  first  visit  to  Porto  Longone, 
where  he  was  received  with  the  customary  processions 
and  firing  of  guns.  In  the  evening  he  had  Dalesme  and  Camp- 
bell to  dinner,  and  talked  freely  on  politics. 

On  the  10th  May  Napoleon  rode  up  a  high  hill  above  Porto- 
ferraio  to  a  spot  which  was  not  far  from  the  sea  in  any 
direction.  After  gazing  steadfastly  at  the  scene  for  some 
time,  he  turned  to  his  suite  and  remarked  with  a  laugh  :  "  Eh, 
my  island  is  very  small  !  " 

During  dinner  Drouot  reported  that  a  Neapolitan  vessel 
had  arrived  from  Marseilles  on  the  way  to  Naples,  having  on 
board  an  A.D.C.  of  Murat.  Napoleon  pretended  not  to  hear, 
and  went  on  talking  on  other  subjects,  though  the  honest 
but  tactless  Drouot  repeated  the  statement. 

On  the  18th  May  Napoleon  began  a  tour  of  exploration 
of  the  west  of  the  island.  He  took  with  him  Bertrand  and 
Campbell  and  two  chamberlains,  two  orderly  officers,  a 
captain  of  gendarmes,  the  Intendant,  the  Mayor  of  Porto- 
ferraio,  the  President  of  the  Tribunal,  several  other  officials, 
and  the  necessary  large  staff  of  attendants. 

On  arriving  at  Marciana  Marina  (where  he  had  been 
burned  in  effigy  a  few  weeks  before),  he  was  met  by  young 
girls  in  their  best  dresses,  bedecked  with  ribbons  and  crowned 
with  flowers,  who  presented  themselves  in  his  path  offering 

From  an  English  aquatint  of  1S14 


bouquets.  Bombs  were  exploded,  their  noise  being  greater 
than  what  could  be  obtained  from  cannon.  He  was  led  to 
the  church,  where  a  Te  Deum  was  sung,  and  in  the  evening 
there  was  a  ball,  which  he  did  not  attend. 

Next  day  he  went  up  the  steep  hill  to  Marciana  Alta,  and 
thence  to  Poggio  and  Campo,  his  appearance  at  each  place 
being  marked  in  the  same  manner.  The  populace  cried  out, 
"  Viva  Napoleone,  Viva  il  nostra  sovrano.''  The  good  Elbans 
thought  of  Napoleon  as  their  Sovereign,  not  as  the  Emperor. 

On  the  20th  the  party  embarked  on  the  Caroline  for  the 
little  island  of  Pianosa,  about  fifteen  miles  to  the  south. 
Napoleon  took  two  horses  and  rode  all  over  the  island. 

On  the  return  voyage  he  visited  a  small  rock.  La  Scola, 
which  rises  to  a  height  of  120  feet,  within  short  range  of  the 
landing-place.  He  attempted  to  climb  to  the  summit,  but 
although  given  assistance  he  was  unable  to  manage  it. 
Campbell  observes  :  "  Indefatigable  as  he  is,  his  corpulency 
prevents  him  from  walking  much,  and  he  is  obliged  to  take 
the  arm  of  some  person  on  rough  roads."  They  arrived  at 
Portoferraio  at  midnight,  being  escorted  over  the  Elban 
mountains  by  peasants  carrying  torches,  a  service  for  which, 
by  some  negligence,  they  were  not  paid  until  their  complaints 
had  been  heard  all  over  the  island,  to  the  detriment  of 
Napoleon's  popularity. 

Pianosa  is  a  small  island,  about  ten  miles  in  circumference, 
lying  between  Elba  and  Monte  Cristo.  A  Roman  ruin 
known  as  the  baths  of  Agrippa  recalls  the  fact  that  Agrippa 
Posthumus,  grandson  of  Augustus,  was  banished  to  this  lonely 
spot  at  the  instigation  of  Livia,  and  after  the  death  of 
Augustus  was  here  put  to  death  by  order  of  Tiberius. 

In  the  Middle  Ages  Pianosa  was  inhabited  by  Tuscan 
colonists  until,  in  1553,  Dragut,  the  famous  pirate  from 
Tripoli,  who  had  captured  a  part  of  Elba,  seized  the  Pianosa 
settlers,  and  carried  them  off  as  slaves.  From  that  time  the 
island  was  used  by  corsairs  as  a  port  of  call  where  good  water 
could  be  obtained,  until  the  Emperor  Napoleon  himself,  in 


1806,  sent  thirty  men  with  two  pieces  of  cannon  to  take 
possession.  A  British  frigate,  the  Seahorse,  attacked  them, 
placing  two  guns  on  the  rock  or  islet  which  Napoleon  had 
just  endeavoured  to  climb.  The  small  gamson  was  taken 
prisoner,  the  fortifications  destroyed,  and  the  island  aban- 
doned.    It  had  not  been  recolonised. 

Napoleon  announced  in  a  communication  to  Bertrand 
that  Pianosa,  having  no  particular  owner,  "  belongs  entirely 
to  the  Emperor."  His  chief  concern  was  that  the  island  should 
not  again  become  a  home  for  corsairs.  He  sent  for  Lieutenant 
Larabit,  a  young  officer  of  Engineers,  and  gave  him  in- 
structions for  the  fortification  of  the  island.  He  was  to  con- 
struct a  barrack  and  a  fort.  Napoleon  pointed  out  on  the 
map  the  positions  he  had  selected  for  these  works.  He  went 
to  Porto  Longone  and  saw  Larabit  embark  with  four  cannon, 
ten  gunners,  and  twenty  men  of  the  free  battalion  of  Elba, 
commanded  by  Captain  Pisani.  They  were  followed  by  a 
number  of  workmen  from  Italy.  A  few  tents  were  taken,  but 
not  enough  for  all  the  men,  some  being  obliged  to  seek  shelter 
in  grottos  or  in  ruined  dwellings,  or  to  lie  in  the  open  air. 
Discipline  became  relaxed  and  there  was  much  quarrelling 
for  the  coveted  posts  in  the  tents.  The  party  was  provisioned 
from  Campo  or  Porto  Longone  by  boats,  which  were  some- 
times prevented  by  stormy  weather  from  attempting  the 
passage  ;  then  the  men  had  to  subsist  upon  biscuit  or  shell- 
fish, and  they  complained  vigorously. 

Napoleon  sent  the  Commander  at  Longone,  Gottmann,  to 
take  command  at  Pianosa.  He  was  a  rough,  quarrelsome 
man,  of  no  education  or  ability.  One  of  his  first  acts  was  to 
order  Lieutenant  Larabit  to  postpone  making  the  barrack 
until  he  had  converted  a  ruined  building  into  a  dwelling 
for  himself,  the  Commander.  Larabit  said  he  had  the  order 
of  Napoleon  to  build  the  barrack,  to  which  Gottmann  replied 
that  he  had  the  right  to  revoke  Napoleon's  orders  with  regard 
to  the  island. 

Larabit,  however,   definitely  declined  to  carry  out  the 


Commander's  orders,  and  continued  work  on  the  barrack. 
Soon  afterwards  Napoleon  himself  arrived,  and  heard  the 
complaints  of  both  sides.  He  brought  with  him  Roule,  the 
chief  orderl}',  who  took  the  part  of  Gottmann,  and  had  a 
violent  quarrel  with  Larabit,  which  would  have  ended  in  a 
duel  but  for  the  presence  and  interposition  of  Napoleon. 
Larabit  was  instructed  to  devote  the  whole  of  his  time  to  the 
military  works.  Later  he  was  replaced  by  Monier,  Adjutant 
of  Engineers. 

In  the  end  Napoleon  dismissed  Gottmann  from  his  service. 
He  had  sent  in  a  bill  for  the  repairs  to  his  house.  In  a  letter 
to  Drouot  of  the  IGth  December,  1814,  Napoleon  wrote  : 
"  The  Commandant  Gottmann  demands  payment  of  the  cost 
of  the  work  upon  his  house.  To  decide  that  we  must  ascertain 
to  whom  the  house  belongs.  If  it  is  mine,  the  sieur  Gottmann 
must  prove  it,  and  then  I  will  pay ;  if,  on  the  other  hand,  it  is 
his,  the  payment  falls  upon  him."  This  must  be  described  as 
mean.  Napoleon  took  possession  of  the  island  with  everything 
upon  it,  but  to  escape  the  payment  of  a  small  sum  for  repairs 
to  the  house  of  the  officer  he  had  sent  to  command  the  forces, 
he  pretended  to  waive  his  ownership  of  that  building.  Then, 
by  dismissing  the  man,  who  could  not  continue  living  at 
Pianosa,  he  resumed  the  ownership.^ 

The  precarious  situation  on  the  island  with  regard  to 
provisions  and  the  monotony  of  the  existence,  made  all 
who  were  sent  to  Pianosa  most  discontented.  Campbell 
heard  one  soldier  at  Portoferraio  declare  that  if  he  were 
ordered  to  Pianosa  he  would  commit  suicide.  One  of 
Napoleon's  letters  to  Drouot  begins  :  "  I  am  sending  you  a 
number  of  letters  from  Pianosa.  I  cannot  understand  the 
cause  of  all  these  complaints.  I  have  given  orders  that  the 
garrison  is  to  have  the  rations  of  sailors  ;  they  should 
accordingly  have  meat,  biscuit,  rice,  and  either  brandy  or 
wine.  I  have  given  orders  that  the  Caroline  should  be  sent, 
provisioned  for  fifteen  days,  and  with  a  reserve  provision 
1  Registre,  No.  137. 


for  the  garrison  for  twenty  days.  Let  me  know  if  my  orders 
have  been  executed  at  Porto  Longone."*  He  also  ordered  to 
be  sent  1600  rations  of  wine,  twenty  sheep,  and  two  cows  ; 
but  even  a  sufhciency  of  food  could  not  make  Pianosa  an 
attractive  abode.  The  fort  and  the  barrack  were  never 
finished.  A  couple  of  guns  were  placed  in  position  on  the 
rock  La  Scola,  and  an  officer  and  four  men  were  sent  to  live 
there  in  a  grotto.  Their  lot  was  pitiable ;  their  sole  occupation 
was  occasional  target  practice  at  a  mark  on  the  shore  of 

Napoleon  paid  three  visits  to  Pianosa,  on  the  last  occasion 
taking  his  tent  and  remaining  three  days.  He  had  still 
much  of  the  spirit  of  the  schoolboy.  He  played  with  schemes 
for  a  Utopian  settlement  upon  the  island.  The  land  was  flat, 
and  he  ascertained  for  himself,  causing  deep  excavations 
to  be  made,  that  the  good  soil  was  of  considerable  depth,  and 
well  adapted  for  the  cultivation  of  grain.  There  was  also  a 
good  sward  of  grass.  On  his  first  visit  he  found  a  number  of 
horses  roaming  about  ;  it  was  explained  that  they  belonged 
to  the  inhabitants  of  Campo,  the  nearest  port  to  Elba,  who 
put  them  out  to  grass  for  several  months  every  year.  They 
managed  to  catch  their  horses  when  they  came  for  them, 
by  waiting  for  them  at  a  narrowed  path  leading  to  the 

The  island  being  well  fitted  both  for  agriculture  and  pas- 
turage, Napoleon  proposed  to  found  a  model  colony. ^ 

He  would  divide  it  all  into  farms  and  would  provide  the 
farmers  with  all  necessaries.  He  would  sow  acorns  brought 
from  the  Black  Forest,  and  protect  the  young  growth  with  a 
plantation  of  acacias,  which  would  be  destroyed  when  they 
were  no  longer  necessary.  He  would  plant  the  pine  in  those 
places  where  the  soil  was  suitable  ;  he  would  compel  every 
owner  of  land  to  mark  his  boundary  by  a  line  of  mulberry 
trees  ;  he  would  graft  cuttings  on  the  wild  olives,  and  plant 
a  quantity  of  good  trees.     He  would  plant  fruit  trees  in 

1  Correspondauce,  No.  21577-  ^  Pons,  pp.  306-8. 


quantity,  especially  the  kinds  which  have  red  fruits  ;  and 
wherever  the  soil  was  not  suitable  for  wheat  he  would  cultivate 
the  vine.  He  would  have  a  horse-breeding  establishment, 
and  a  school  for  training  domesticated  animals. 

A  certain  part  of  the  island  would  be  dedicated  as  the 
special  property  of  meritorious  citizens  who  had  rendered 
services  to  their  country  ;  it  would  be  used  as  a  home  for 
deserving  Elbans.  He  ordered  plans  to  be  prepared  for  a 
village,  with  its  church  and  other  buildings. 

To  carry  out  these  schemes  a  settled  population  was  neces- 
sary. Napoleon  found  a  Genoese  capitalist,  with  whom  he 
made  an  agreement  on  the  following  lines  : — 

1.  The  concessionaire  will  bring  into  the  island  of  Pianosa 
one  hundred  families,  not  inhabitants  of  the  island  of  Elba, 
who  will  establish  themselves  in  permanent  residence,  and 
will  devote  themselves  to  the  work  of  the  island. 

2.  The  corn  which  the  concessionaire  will  raise  on  the 
island  of  Pianosa  must  not,  in  any  event,  in  time  of  peace 
or  in  time  of  war,  be  taken  beyond  the  island  of  Elba,  unless, 
upon  the  deliberate  advice  of  the  municipalities,  the  highest 
authority  in  the  island  of  Elba  publicly  declares  that  the 
Elbans  are  not  in  need  of  it. 

3.  The  price  of  the  corn  will  be,  at  an  appointed  date, 
fixed  by  the  Government  every  year,  in  accordance  with  the 
price  ruling  in  the  markets  of  Tuscany  and  Romagna. 

4.  The  concessionaire  will  always  maintain  in  the  island 
of  Pianosa  the  flocks  and  cattle  requisite  for  these  purposes, 
and  the  price  to  be  obtained  for  these  beasts  shall  be  regulated 
in  the  same  manner  as  in  the  case  of  corn. 

It  was  also  provided  that  Napoleon  would  give  to  the 
concessionaire  land  of  such  amount  as  could  be  cultivated 
in  two  thousand  days  of  labour,  and  he  would  provide  the 
acorns  from  the  Black  Forest  and  such  nursery  trees  as  might 
be  demanded.  The  concessionaire  would  endeavour  through- 
out to  fall  in  with  the  Emperor's  ideas,  and  would  be  given 
a  year  in  which  to  instal  the  families  and  start  the  enterprise. 


When  the  Genoese  capitaHst  failed  him,  Napoleon  proposed 
himself  to  send  forty  families,  giving  to  each  head  of  a  family 
a  piece  of  land,  with  two  oxen,  two  cows,  ten  sheep,  and  a 
sum  of  money.  The  olive  ground  was  to  be  shared  by  the 
forty,  who  were  to  be  free  from  all  taxation  for  five  years, 
but  were  then  to  begin  paying  back ;  and  they  were  to 
return  annually  a  certain  small  proportion  of  the  produce  of 
grain,  oil,  etc. 

Nothing  came  of  the  various  schemes  for  colonising 
Pianosa.  The  island  was  used  as  a  grazing  ground  for  the 
horses  of  the  Polish  Lancers,  which  were  branded  for  identifi- 
cation and  then  turned  out  to  run  wild.  Instead  of  the  home 
for  a  selected  number  of  persons  of  proved  merit,  Napoleon 
in  fact  made  the  island  a  penitentiary  for  wrongdoers, 
especially  for  insubordinate  or  discontented  soldiers,  who 
were  sent  to  work  there  on  the  fortifications. 

The  island  is  at  the  present  time  a  penal  settlement  cul- 
tivated by  convicts,  which  is  much  what  it  was  becoming 
under  the  influence  of  Napoleon. 



^T  Napoleon's  request  Ussher  took  the  Undaunted 
/\  to  Nice  in  order  to  fetch  PauHne,  but  when  he 
y  %  arrived  she  had  already  sailed  in  a  Neapolitan 
ship.  He  was  back  in  Portoferraio  on  the  25th 
May.  He  went  with  Campbell  to  the  Mulini  Palace.  They 
found  Napoleon  playing  chess  with  Bertrand,  attended  by 
two  chamberlains  "  who  were  looking  very  sulky,"  says 
Campbell.  No  doubt  they  had  been  standing  for  hours. 
Napoleon  took  the  two  Englishmen  into  his  bedroom  and 
there  plied  them  with  questions,  one  following  the  other 
before  the  first  was  answered.  Since  his  departure  from 
France  he  had  not  received  any  first-hand  reliable  report 
as  to  the  situation  of  affairs,  and  he  felt  that  much  might 
depend  upon  the  answers  to  his  questions.  He  wished 
to  be  told  that  the  French  nation  was  dissatisfied  with  the 
Bourbon  Government,  and  Ussher  was  able  to  give  the 
desired  assurance.  There  had  been  riots  at  Nice  between 
French  and  Austrian  soldiers  ;  many  persons  at  Frejus  had 
asked  anxiously  for  news  of  Napoleon  ;  the  manufacturers 
were  demanding  encouragement  in  accordance  with 
Napoleon's  policy.  Campbell  says :  "  He  showed  the 
strongest  exultation  at  all  this,  and  chuckled  with  joy." 
When  Ussher  told  him  that  Louis  XVIII  had  said  that  in 
case  of  war,  gouty  though  he  was,  he  would  place  himself 
at  the  head  of  his  Marshals,  Napoleon  laughed  heartily  : 
"  Ha,  ha  !    The  Marshals  and  the  army  will  find  themselves 




well  commanded."  Ussher  proceeded  to  observe  that  the 
French  had  been  guilty  of  great  ingratitude  towards  him,  at 
which  Napoleon  remarked  :  "  Oh,  they  are  a  fickle  people  "  ; 
and  he  said  that  the  nation  was  dishonoured  by  accepting  a 
King  from  its  enemies.  Ussher  said  that  there  was  a  general 
disinclination  to  believe  that  the  Emperor  had  travelled  to 
Elba  on  board  a  British  ship.  He  laughed  at  this,  and 
enquired  whether  it  was  supposed  he  had  been  taken  to 
England.  Ussher  said  many  thought  the  English  had 
seduced  him,  as  he  preferred  going  in  their  ship.  "  Did  they 
say  I  had  now  become  an  Englishman  ?  "  To  the  remark 
that  he  had  many  adherents  in  France,  he  said  :  "  Oh  !  the 
Emperor  is  dead,  I  am  no  longer  anything,"  but  he  imme- 
diately added  that  his  Guards  were  still  faithful,  and  alluded 
to  his  popularity  at  Lyons. 

His  eagerness  to  learn  the  news  from  France,  and  his 
exultation  on  hearing  that  the  Bourbons  were  not  popular, 
show  that  he  was  watching  and  waiting,  not  without  hope 
that  his  opportunity  might  come.  The  Emperor  was  by  no 
means  dead  ;   that  was  the  impression  left  upon  Campbell. 

Napoleon  had  from  the  first  an  expectation,  which  in- 
creased as  time  went  on,  of  a  return  to  power.  He  was 
waiting  for  the  Bourbon  Government  to  make  itself  intoler- 
able, for  the  gravest  discontent  to  spread  in  the  army,  for 
the  troops  of  the  Allies,  especially  the  Russians,  to  return 
to  their  countries  ;  and  he  anticipated  that  the  Powers 
would  quarrel  at  the  Congress  shortly  to  be  held  at  Vienna  ; 
or  that,  if  they  avoided  quarrelling,  his  chance  would  come 
when  the  monarchs  had  dispersed,  and  the  Czar  had  re- 
turned to  St.  Petersburg.  That  would  occur  in  the  autumn 
or  winter,  and  his  own  bid  for  power  would  be  made  in  the 

In  the  afternoon  of  this  day,  the  25th  May,  the 
frigate  Dryade,  Captain  de  Montcabrie,  and  the  brig 
Inconstant,  Captain  de  Charrier-Moissard,  arrived.  The 
frigate  was  to  take  away  the  French  troops,  and  the  brig 

J    '-J 

O       n 

0    Z 

'•v  ^ 


was  to  remain  as  the  property  of  Napoleon,  in  accordance 
with  the  Treaty  of  Fontainebleau. 

Napoleon  was  now  more  than  ever  anxious  for  the  arrival 
of  the  Guard,  for  with  the  departure  of  the  line  regiment 
he  would  be  left  with  only  the  small  troop  of  Corsicans  and 
Elbans.  He  did  not  feel  convinced  that  the  Guard  would  be 
allowed  to  come.  He  paced  up  and  down  the  terrace  in  the 
garden  of  the  Mulini  Palace,  scanning  the  horizon  for  the 
expected  ships.  In  the  evening  he  had  Ussher  to  dinner. 
During  the  meal  a  British  officer,  who  had  been  stationed 
by  Ussher  at  a  signal  station  on  a  height,  reported  that  he  had 
seen  seven  sail  in  the  north-west  quarter,  standing  toward  the 
island.  "  I  had  no  doubt,"  says  Ussher,  "  from  the  number 
of  vessels,  and  the  course  they  were  taking,  that  they  were 
the  long-expected  transports.  Napoleon  almost  immediately 
rose  from  the  table,  and  I  accompanied  him  to  his  garden, 
which  with  his  house  occupies  the  highest  part  of  the  works 
and  has  a  commanding  view  of  the  sea  towards  Italy  and  the 
coast  of  France.  Full  of  anxiety,  he  stopped  at  the  end  of 
every  turn,  and  looked  eagerly  for  the  vessels.  We  walked 
till  it  was  quite  dark  ;  he  was  very  communicative,  and  his 
conversation  highly  interesting.  It  was  now  near  midnight. 
I  told  him  that  with  a  good  night  glass  I  should  be  able  to 
see  them,  for  with  the  breeze  they  had  they  could  not  be  very 
far  from  the  island.  He  brought  me  a  very  fine  night  glass, 
made  by  Donaldson,  which  enabled  me  to  see  the  vessels 
distinctly.  They  were  lying  to.  He  was  most  pleased,  and 
in  the  highest  spirits  wished  me  good  night."  ^ 

Though  he  had  not  retired  till  after  midnight,  Napoleon 
was  up  at  4  in  the  morning  of  the  26th  May,  and  saw 
with  great  satisfaction  the  transports  in  the  harbour.  A  little 
later  he  went  to  the  quay,  where  his  well-known  figure  was 
visible  to  his  old  soldiers,  as  he  stood  examining  the  ships 
through  his  spy-glass.  It  was  too  early  for  the  disembarkation 
to  begin,  and  Napoleon  took  it  into  his  head  to  pay  an  un- 
1  "Napoleon's  Last  Voyages,"  p.  100. 


expected  visit  to  the  Dryade,  to  test  the  feehng  of  the  sailors 
towards  him  ;  on  boarding  King  Louis'  ship  he  was  received 
with  spontaneous  cries  of  "  Vive  I'Empereur  !  "  much  to  his 
deHght  and  the  annoyance  of  the  Captain,  de  Montcabrie. 
Then  he  returned  to  the  quay,  where  the  French  troops  of  the 
line  were  drawn  up  under  General  Dalesme  to  welcome  their 

The  Imperial  Guard,  nearly  seven  hundred  in  number, 
began  to  disembark  at  seven,  and  were  landed  at  eight, 
under  the  eyes  of  their  Emperor.  He  was  overjoyed  to  see 
them  ;  it  meant  a  great  deal  to  him  to  have  their  presence 
there  to  testify  that  he  was  indeed  still  the  Emperor,  and  he 
now  for  the  first  time  felt  that  with  the  Inconstant  and  his 
Guard  he  could  offer  a  solid  resistance  to  corsairs,  or  to  other 
kidnapping  expeditions.  His  delight  was  reciprocated  by 
the  old  soldiers,  many  of  whom  rushed  forward  to  kiss  his 
hand,  while  cries  of  "  Vive  VEmyereur  !  "  resounded  on  all 
sides.  As  their  Commander,  General  Cambronne,  approached. 
Napoleon  seized  him  warmly  by  the  hand  and  said  :  "  Cam- 
bronne, I  have  passed  many  bad  hours  while  waiting  for  you, 
but  at  last  we  are  united  once  more,  and  they  are  forgotten." 
With  colours  flying,  drums  beating,  and  music  from  the  band, 
the  Guard  marched  to  the  Place  d'Armes,  followed  by  the 
Emperor.  Arrived  there,  they  formed  a  square  into  which 
Napoleon  entered.  With  evident  signs  of  emotion  in  his 
voice,  he  said  :  "  Officers  and  Soldiers  !  I  have  been  waiting 
for  you  with  impatience,  and  I  am  very  glad  you  have  arrived. 
I  thank  you  for  associating  yourselves  with  my  fate.  I 
recognise  in  you  the  noble  character  of  the  Grand  Army.  We 
will  join  together  in  good  wishes  for  our  own  dear  France, 
the  mother  country,  and  we  will  rejoice  in  her  happiness. 
Live  in  harmony  with  the  Elbans  ;  they  also  have  French 
hearts."  The  men  replied  with  vociferous  shouts  of  "  Vive 
VEmpereiir  !  "  and  then  marched  to  their  quarters,  some  in 
the  Fort  Stella,  others  in  the  barrack  of  St.  Francis. 

Napoleon  returned  to  the  quay  and  spent  the  whole  day 


there  in  the  sun,  watching  the  disembarkation  of  the  horses, 
carriages,  and  baggage,  which  was  completed  by  four  in 
the  afternoon.  Then  he  went  on  board  the  Undaunted  to 
thank  officers  and  crew  for  their  skill  and  care  during  the 
landing  operations,  observing  that  the  Italians  would  have 
taken  eight  days  over  what  they  had  done  in  as  many  hours, 
and  they  would  have  broken  his  horses'  legs,  not  one  of 
which  had  received  a  scratch.  He  also  thanked  them  for 
their  attentions  to  him  during  the  voyage,  said  that  he  had 
been  very  happy  on  board,  and  ordered  Peyrusse  to  give 
2000  francs  to  be  distributed  among  the  crew. 

The  arrival  of  the  Guard  made  it  no  longer  necessary  for 
the  Undaunted  to  remain  as  a  protection  to  Napoleon.  When 
Ussher  came  to  take  his  leave  Napoleon  presented  him  with 
a  snuff-box  upon  which  was  his  portrait  set  in  diamonds  ; 
he  said,  "  You  are  the  first  Englishman  I  have  been  ac- 
quainted with,"  and  spoke  in  a  flattering  manner  of  England. 
Lieutenant  Bailey,  the  transport  officer,  being  presented, 
he  thanked  him  for  his  care,  and  remarked  how  extraordinary 
it  was  that  no  accident  had  happened  to  the  ninety-three 
horses,  adding  that  the  British  sailors  exceeded  even  the 
opinion  he  had  long  since  formed  of  them.  He  then  embraced 
Ussher  a  la  Franfaise,  and  said  :  "  Farewell,  Captain  ! 
Rely  on  me."    Ussher  adds  that  he  seemed  much  affected. 

He  had  a  genuine  feeling  for  the  British  Captain,  and  a 
real  admiration  for  British  sailors,  and  indeed  the  British 
nation.  Campbell  wrote  in  his  journal  :  "  Napoleon  speaks 
most  gratefully  to  everyone  of  the  facilities  which  have  been 
granted  to  him  by  the  British  Government,  and  to  myself 
personally  he  constantly  expresses  the  sense  he  entertains 
of  the  superior  quaUties  which  the  British  nation  possesses 
over  every  other." 

Campbell  now  suggested  to  Bertrand  that  his  presence 
was  no  longer  necessary.  To  this  Bertrand  was  instructed 
by  Napoleon  to  reply  that  there  was  a  clause  in  the  Treaty  of 
Fontainebleau  which  guaranteed  the  security  of  the  Elban 


flag  against  insult  from  the  Barbary  corsairs,  and  this 
guarantee  could  only  be  enforced  by  British  ships,  on  repre- 
sentations to  be  made  by  Colonel  Campbell  to  the  British 
Commander  in  the  Mediterranean. 

Campbell  asked  for  a  communication  in  writing,  and  on  the 
27th  May  received  the  following  note  from  Bertrand  : — 

"  Colonel  Campbell  is  requested  to  be  so  good  as  to  send 
to  Algiers  the  flag  of  the  island  of  Elba,  making  it  known  to 
the  Consul  of  His  Britannic  Majesty  that  the  Allied  Powers 
have  engaged  to  make  that  flag  respected,  and  that  it  should 
be  treated  by  the  Barbary  powers  upon  an  equality  with 
that  of  France. 

"  The  presence  of  Colonel  Campbell  at  Portoferraio  seems 
indispensable,  considering  the  great  number  of  English 
vessels  of  war,  of  transport,  and  of  commerce,  which  come 
to  anchor  off  the  island. 

"  On  this  occasion  I  can  but  repeat  to  Colonel  Campbell 
how  much  his  person  and  his  presence  are  agreeable  to  the 
Emperor  Napoleon. 

"  Le  Comte  Bertrand."^ 

Campbell  sent  a  copy  of  this  note  to  Lord  Castlereagh,  and 
asked  for  his  instructions,  which  arrived  two  months  later  : — 

"  London,  Foreign  Office, 

''Juhj  15,  1814. 
"Sir, — Your    despatches    to    No.    21    inclusive,    of    the 
13th  ult.,  have  been  received  and  laid  before  the  Prince 

"  I  am  to  desire  that  you  will  continue  to  consider  yourself 
a  British  Resident  in  Elba,  without  assuming  any  further 
official  character  than  that  in  which  you  are  already  received, 
and  that  you  would  pursue  the  same  line  of  conduct  and 

1  Campbell,  p.  242. 


communication  with  this  Department  which,  I  am  happy  to 
acquaint  you,  have  aheady  received  His  Highness's  ap- 

"I  am,  etc., 

"  Castlereagh. 
"  Colonel  Campbell,  etc.  etc."^ 

This  letter  is  in  the  vaguest  terms.  The  position  of  Campbell 
was  anomalous.  He  was  "  British  Resident,"  but  without 
powers,  and  his  only  duty  was  to  make  "  communications." 
He  was,  in  short,  a  spy.  He  was  at  Elba,  as  Napoleon  knew 
perfectly  well,  to  watch  the  Emperor's  conduct,  and  to  report 
any  sign  of  an  intention  on  his  part  to  disturb  the  peace  of 

Napoleon  was  at  first  glad  to  have  Campbell  at  Elba.  His 
presence  gave  a  certain  countenance  to  the  Treaty  of  Fon- 
tainebleau  as  a  valid  instrument ;  it  seemed  to  indicate 
a  friendly  attitude  on  the  part  of  the  British  Government  ; 
and  it  supported  the  dignity  of  Napoleon  as  a  Sovereign. 

And  there  were  real  dangers  from  corsairs  or  other  assassins 
or  kidnappers  arriving  by  sea.  The  Dey  of  Algiers  made  his 
intentions  perfectly  plain.  Campbell  was  shown  a  letter  from 
Admiral  Hallowell  to  Mr.  Felton,  the  British  Consul  at 
Leghorn,  in  which  he  said  :  "I  have  received  a  letter  from 
Mr.  MacDonnell,  the  British  Consul  at  Algiers,  wherein 
he  informs  me  that  the  Dey  has  instructed  his  cruisers  to 
seize  all  Neapolitan  vessels,  and  those  sailing  under  the  flag 
of  Elba,  wherever  they  may  be  met  with,  and  the  person  of  the 
Sovereign  of  that  island  also,  should  any  opportunity  happily 
o^er  the  getting  hold  of  him."  The  words  in  italics  were 
omitted  by  Campbell  from  the  copy  he  sent  to  Bertrand.- 

The  presence  of  Campbell  carried  an  implied  assurance 
that  in  case  of  attack  of  this  kind  the  British  Navy  would 
come  to  the  assistance  of  Napoleon. 

1  Campbell,  p.  273.  *  Campbell,  p.  292. 


Napoleon's  fleet  consisted  of  the  following  vessels  : — 

The  Inconstant,  named  variously  a  brig,  corvette,  or  brig- 
corvette,  in  fact  a  war-brig  of  about  300  tons,  carrying 
sixteen  carronades  of  18,  to  which  Napoleon  added  two  more, 
making  eighteen  in  all.  He  placed  in  command  midshipman 
Taillade,  who  had  served  in  the  French  Navy,  and  was  at 
that  time  captain  of  the  schooner  Levrette.  Taillade  was 
married  to  an  Elban  lady,  which  gave  him  a  local  standing, 
and  augured  well  for  his  loyalty  to  the  owner  of  the  island  ; 
at  least  it  seemed  safe  to  confide  the  Inconstant  to  him, 
for  he  would  naturally  desire  to  bring  the  ship  back  to  his 
own  home.  Napoleon  gave  him  the  rank  of  lieutenant 
and  placed  him  in  command  of  the  fleet,  with  the  title  of 
Commandant  de  la  Marine.  Taillade  did  not  prove  a  success  ; 
his  loyalty  came  under  suspicion,  and  he  was  not  a  capable 
or  zealous  officer  ;  in  bad  weather  he  suffered  from  sea- 
sickness and  remained  in  his  cabin.  He  had  as  lieutenant 
a  young  Corsican,  aged  twenty-four,  named  Sarri,  who  had 
been  in  the  French  Navy  as  midshipman. 

Napoleon  sent  the  Inconstant  on  several  voyages.  She 
went  to  Genoa,  ostensibly  to  fetch  cows,  sheep,  books,  trees, 
etc.,  but  the  chief  object  of  these  voyages  was  to  take  emis- 
saries from  Napoleon  to  various  persons  with  whom  he  was 
in  correspondence.  The  Inconstant  also  went  to  Civita 
Vecchia  with  the  shot,  guns,  and  other  material  that  was 
being  sold,  and  in  this  direction  she  carried  persons  charged 
with  messages  for  Cardinal  Fesch  at  Rome.  The  brig  also 
went,  in  October,  to  Baia,  near  Naples,  and  waited  there 
three  weeks  for  Pauline,  who  was  ultimately  taken  on  board 
off  Portici.  This  vessel  constituted  practically  the  whole  of 
Napoleon's  fighting  force.  Its  complement  was  sixty  men, 
but  the  number  was  always  short,  as  the  men  had  to  be 
picked  up  at  Capraia  or  Genoa,  the  Elban  sailors  being 
unwilling  to  abandon  their  trading  and  fishing  pursuits. 

At  first  Napoleon  supposed  the  Inconstant  would  require 
to  remain  near  at  hand  to  search  the  coasts  for  corsairs,  and 


he  looked  about  for  a  merchant  ship  which  could  be  used  for 
the  voyages  to  Genoa  and  Civita  Vecchia.  He  found  a 
chebec  of  S3  tons,  which  he  bought  for  £350  and  christened 
the  Etoile.  She  was  made  to  carry  six  four-pounders  and  had 
a  crew  of  sixteen  men,  under  the  command  of  Richon.  She 
was  employed  in  fetching  grain  from  Civita  Vecchia,  moving 
guns  and  stores  from  Longone  to  Portoferraio,  and  such 

The  half -decked  advice-boat,  Caroline,  26  tons,  sixteen  men, 
carried  one  four-pounder.  This  vessel  had  belonged  to  the 
French  Navy,  but  being  manned  by  Elbans  did  not  leave  with 
the  other  French  ships,  and  so  came  into  the  possession  of 
Napoleon.  The  Caroline  made  frequent  voyages  to  Pianosa 
with  men  and  provisions. 

Two  feluccas  belonging  to  the  mines,  whose  chief  business 
it  was  to  prevent  the  smuggling  of  ore,  were  taken  by 
Napoleon,  and  christened  by  him  the  Moiiche  and  Abeille. 
He  reduced  their  crews  from  twenty  men  to  eight.  They  kept 
up  communication  with  Piombino,  helped  to  provision  Pianosa 
and  to  some  extent  continued  to  watch  for  smugglers.  Early 
in  1815  Napoleon  employed  them  for  the  mails,  instead  of  the 
post-boat,  and  thereby  effected  an  annual  saving  of  £172. 

Napoleon  had  three  barges,  or  row-boats.  The  Ussher, 
for  ten  rowers,  was  given  him  by  Captain  Ussher,  and  named 
after  the  donor  ;  it  was  reserved,  as  also  the  lighter  four-oared 
Hochard,  for  the  exclusive  use  of  Napoleon  himself.  A  third 
boat,  with  six  rowers,  was  for  Bcrtrand  or  Drouot  or  others 
of  the  suite. 

The  Guard  formed  the  greater  part  of  his  army.  Although 
by  the  Treaty  of  Fontaincbleau,  Article  17,  Napoleon  was 
not  entitled  to  take  to  Elba  more  than  four  hundred  officers 
and  men  of  the  Guard,  it  was  known  before  he  left  Fontainc- 
bleau that  he  had  authorised  Drouot  to  engage  a  larger 
number  of  picked  and  devoted  soldiers  from  the  Guard  then 
in  attendance.  The  Commissioners  of  the  Powers  made  no 
protest,  and  at   Frejus   Campbell  promised  that  as  many 


as  seven  hundred  men  should  be  taken  on  board  the  British 
transports  at  Savona. 

Napoleon's  other  continental  troops,  sometimes  classed 
as  a  part  of  the  Guard,  were  Polish  Lancers.  Before  leaving 
Fontainebleau  Napoleon  had  arranged  with  Jersmanowski 
for  a  squadron  of  eighty  Polish  Lancers  to  be  sent  to  Elba, 
and  forty  more  to  Parma,  to  act  as  guard  to  Marie  Louise  ; 
but  when  he  arrived  at  Elba  he  began  to  doubt  the  value 
of  any  such  troops  on  the  island.  In  his  orders  to  Drouot,  of 
the  7th  May,  he  wrote  :  "I  am  waiting  the  opinion  of  the 
Grand  Marshal  to  decide  whether  I  should  let  Poles  come. 
The  opinion  of  General  Dalesme  is  that  I  should  do  well  to 
make  them  come,  that  they  will  not  cost  more  than  else- 

On  the  12th  he  made  Bertrand  write  to  Meneval  : — • 

"  PoRTOFERRAio,  12th  May,  1814. 
"  My  dear  Meneval, 

"  The  Emperor  is  sending  to  Parma  for  the  service  of 
the  Empress  a  detachment  of  fifty  Polish  Light  Horse  and  a 
hundred  harness  horses  ;  I  have  had  money  given  to  them 
for  their  journey  as  far  as  Parma.  I  am  writing  to  the  Mayor 
of  Parma  to  provide  lodging,  accommodation,  and  food  for 
horses  and  men  until  the  Empress  gives  orders  on  the  subject. 
"  We  are  waiting  impatiently  for  news  of  you. 
"  The  Emperor  is  in  the  best  of  health. 

"  Bertrand." 

Of  the  hundred  and  twenty  Poles  fifty-four  were  detached 
from  the  Guard  on  the  journey  from  Fontainebleau  and  sent 
on  to  Parma.  They  were  to  be  at  the  charge  of  Marie  Louise. 
When  they  arrived  at  Parma,  Marie  Louise  was  at  Aix,  and 
there  was  no  near  prospect  of  her  going  to  Parma.  The  only 
course  for  the  Poles  was  to  proceed  to  their  employer,  whom 
they  finally  reached  at  Elba  on  the  5th  October.  Then  came 
*  Correspondance^  No.  21666. 


1- " 






a     I 
2      c 


the  troublesome  question  of  payment  for  their  journey.  An 
agreement  had  been  made  at  Leghorn  with  the  Mayor,  but 
Napoleon  declined  to  consider  it  binding  upon  him,  and  paid 
only  half  what  had  been  arranged.  He  wrote  to  Peyrusse : 
"  In  whatever  situation  fortune  may  place  me,  I  will  not 
tolerate  any  cheating.  You  will  therefore  place  54  napoleons, 
or  1080  francs,  with  the  Commissary  of  Marine,  who  will 
charge  the  Captain  of  the  Post  to  hand  them  to  the  owners 
of  the  vessels  which  have  brought  the  Poles."  ^  The  money 
was  to  pass  from  one  official  to  a  second  and  from  him  to  a 
third  before  payment  was  made.  Peyrusse  paid  what  was  still 
due,  1034  francs,  as  late  as  the  year  1818,  out  of  the  Elba 
funds.  2  Having  decided  to  allow  Jersmanowski  and  his  Poles 
to  continue  their  journey  to  Elba,  Napoleon  wrote  to  Drouot, 
22nd  May  :  "  The  Poles  will  be  considered  as  horse  artillery  ; 
consequently  Drouot  will  present  regulations  for  their  drill. 
The  principal  reason  that  has  made  me  desire  to  have 
cavalry  has  been  to  enable  me  to  get  quickly  to  the 
batteries. "3 

It  was  not  easy  to  make  use  of  mounted  men  at  Elba,  and 
Napoleon  was  far  from  pleased  at  the  arrival  of  the  fifty -four 
from  Parma.  In  the  end  he  sent  most  of  their  horses  to  run 
wild  at  Pianosa,  where  they  were  no  expense  ;  he  used  eight 
in  his  stable  to  augment  his  stock  of  carriage  horses.  The  last 
arrangement  was  that  ninety-six  Poles  were  to  form  a  com- 
pany of  garrison  artillery,  and  twenty-two  were  to  furnish 
the  mounted  escort  for  Napoleon's  carriages.^ 

Besides  his  Guard  and  his  Poles  Napoleon  raised  two 
battalions  nominally  of  four  hundred  men  each,  one  called 
the  Corsican,  the  other  the  Elban.  The  Elbans  were  disbanded 
at  the  end  of  the  year.  The  others  were  originally  mainly 
volunteers  from  the  French  regiment  of  the  line  stationed 

1  Registre,  No.  92. 

2  Peyrusse,  Appendix,  p.  143. 
'  Correspondance,  No.  21570. 

*  Various  numbers  are  given  in  Napoleon's  orders^  Registre,  Nos.  13, 
17,  74  ;  Correspondance,  No.  21G49. 



at  Portoferraio  when  Napoleon  arrived,  but  later  this  corps 
was  composed  chiefly  of  Corsicans.  It  was  never  at  full 

Napoleon's  military  force  was  finally  composed  as  follows: — 

Guard — 

Grenadiers  and  Lhasseurs  . . 

.     607 






Poles.     Mounted 





Corsicans  (say) 


Gendarmes  (say) 



In  round  numbers  say  1200  men.^ 

Cambronne,  Commander  of  the  Guard,  was  made  Com- 
mandant of  Portoferraio. 

Mallet  was  Colonel  of  the  Guard. 

Colonel  Lebel  was  Adjutant-General. 

Colonel  Jersmanowski  commanded  the  Poles. 

Captain  Roule  was  director  of  the  Engineers. 

Captain  Cornuell,  director  of  the  Artillery. 

Captain  Paoli,  Corsican,  was  in  command  of  the  Gendarmes. 

Filidoro  was  Captain  of  the  Port  of  Portoferraio. 

Colonel  Tavelle  was  Commander  at  Rio  ;  his  force  con- 
sisted of  five  gunners  and  four  horsemen. 

General  Boinod  was  Inspector-General. 

The  name  of  Cambronne  will  ever  be  remembered  in 
connection  with  the  exclamation  attributed  to  him  in  the 
hour  of  defeat  at  Waterloo  :  "  The  Guard  dies,  but  does*not 
surrender."  The  remark  is  claimed  also  for  another  officer  ; 
it  would  have  been  characteristic  of  Cambronne,  who  was  a 

1  The  original  authorities  do  not  agree,  and  Napoleon  himself  gives 
different  figures  at  different  times,  but  the  general  result  ia  sufficiently 


man  of  great  courage  and  pertinacity.  Born  in  1770,  of  the 
bourgeois  class,  Cambronne  left  his  home  at  an  early  age, 
and  consequently  did  not  receive  a  refined  education,  and 
was  a  man  of  rough  manners.  Napoleon  gave  him  superin- 
tendence of  "  all  that  is  police  and  security,  consequently 
no  individual  will  disembark  at  Portoferraio  without  a 
written  permit,  and  until  he  has  been  interrogated,  and  until 
he  "  (Cambronne)  "  has  ascertained  what  brings  him  to  the 
island.' '  ^  This  order  was  issued  on  the  29th  May,  immediately 
after  the  arrival  of  the  Guard.  Napoleon  could  not  have 
entrusted  the  care  of  his  person  to  a  more  typical  Cerberus 
both  in  manner  and  spirit. 

Soon  afterwards,  on  22nd  June,  he  ordered  that  his  cavalry 
escort  should  always  be  inspected  before  service  by  Captain 
Baillon,  to  see  that  their  arms  were  in  good  condition  and 
that  they  had  their  cartridges.  On  the  11th  September 
further  orders  were  issued,  that  the  orderly  officer  Roule 
"  will  accompany  me  constantly  on  horseback,  and  a  horse 
from  my  stable  will  be  given  him,  with  two  pistols  ;  he  will 
command  my  escorts  and  will  take  the  necessary  measures 
for  security  ;  he  will  consult  with  the  Commander  of  the 
Gendarmes  for  the  placing  of  the  gendarmes  at  the  points 
of  passage,  but  the  gendarmes  will  never  follow  me.  There 
will  be  every  day  on  duty  to  follow  my  carriage  five  mounted 
men,  with  their  carbines  and  pistols  loaded."  On  the  Cth 
October  :  "  Give  the  most  positive  orders  that  the  detach- 
ment of  cavalry  has  its  arms  in  good  condition,  and  a  packet 
of  cartridges."  On  the  9th  September  :  "  Give  orders  that 
the  sailors  of  my  Guard,  when  they  are  on  board  my  barge, 
have  always  with  them  sabres,  their  muskets,  and  two  packets 
of  cartridges  in  their  pouches."  ^ 

With  the  Guard  came  Napoleon's  carriages  and  horses. 
The  dormeuse  de  voyage  which  Napoleon   had  used    from 

*  Registre,  No.  2. 

2  The  orders  of  May  30,  June  22,  Sept.  9,  Sept.  11  (Registre,  Nos.  2,  3, 
70,  73),  witli  tlieir  evidence  of  Napoleon's  fear  of  assassination,  were  excluded 
from  the  official  publication  of  the  Emperor's  correspondence. 


Fontainebleau  to  Frejus  had  arrived  on  the  Undaunted. 
Now  were  landed  thh'teen  more  carriages.  There  was  the 
herline  de  voyage,  in  which  the  Emperor  had  made  many 
journeys,  and  two  herlines  de  ville,  used  by  him  in  Paris, 
Of  the  remainder  Napoleon  kept  two  caleches  in  use  at  Elba, 
having  them  out  on  alternate  days  ;  one  was  painted  yellow 
and  red,  and  the  other  all  yellow.  To  these  were  subsequently 
added  the  barouche  made  for  the  ascent  to  San  Martino,  and 
a  caleche  de  chasse.  Madame  Mere  brought  from  Rome  a 
cabriolet,  and  Pauline  brought  a  low  carriage  and  two  small 
horses.  Madame  Bertrand  also  had  a  carriage.  All  these 
were  in  the  charge  of  Vincent,  the  chief  groom.  They  were 
stored  in  the  Arsenal. 

With  the  Guard  also  came  an  artillery  wagon,  and  seven 
other  wagons,  which  were  employed  to  convey  the  materials 
for  Napoleon's  new  buildings. 

The  Guard  brought  eight  of  Napoleon's  riding  horses,  each 
of  them  associated  with  some  of  the  events  of  his  great  career. 

"  Wagram  "  was  a  small  Arab,  dappled  grey,  which  had 
carried  him  at  the  battle  of  Wagram. 

"  Tauris  "  was  a  grey  Persian  with  white  mane  and  docked 
tail,  given  by  the  Czar  Alexander  at  the  Congress  of  Erfurth. 
This  horse  suited  Napoleon  exactly,  and  carried  him,  during 
the  Russian  campaign,  at  Smolensk,  Moscowa,  and  the  entry 
into  Moscow,  and  also  in  part  of  the  retreat.  On  one  occasion, 
on  the  25th  October,  1812,  when  Napoleon  and  his  staff  were 
nearly  captured  by  Cossacks,  the  speed  and  spirit  of  this 
horse  were  of  great  service.  Napoleon  rode  it  across  the 
bridge  over  the  Beresina,  at  the  battles  of  Dresden,  Leipzig, 
and  Hanau,  in  the  campaign  of  1814,  on  the  march  to  Paris, 
1815,  and,  finally,  at  the  battle  of  Waterloo.  Though  not 
so  famous  as  "  Marengo,"  another  grey  which  was  at 
Waterloo,^  Tauris  was  associated  with  Napoleon  in  all  the 
later  campaigns  and  battles. 

*  "  Marengo  "  was  captured  after  Waterloo  ;  the  skeleton  is  in  the  Museum 
of  the  United  Services  Institution.  Whitehall. 


Another  grey,  familiar  to  Parisians,  was  "  Intendant," 
a  big  Normandy  horse,  of  quiet  manners,  ridden  by  Napoleon 
at  most  of  his  great  reviews,  and  on  ceremonial  occasions  of 
parade,  such  as  the  triumphal  entry  into  a  captured  foreign 
capital.  "  Intendant  "  was  destined  to  be  much  in  evidence 
again  in  Paris  during  the  hundred  days.  These  grey  horses 
became  as  closely  associated  with  the  fame  of  Napoleon  as  his 
grey  overcoat  and  his  hat.  In  battle  pictures  the  Emperor 
is  usually  on  the  back  of  a  grey  horse.  Napoleon  was  a 
master  of  the  art  of  theatrical  display,  and  would  always 
use  a  grey  horse  when  he  wished  to  make  an  impression. 

A  horse  which  carried  him  often  and  well  was  a  big  chestnut 
"Roitelet,"  from  an  English  sire  and  French  dam,  given  to 
Napoleon  by  his  stepson,  Eugene  de  Beauharnais.  Napoleon 
at  first  took  a  dislike  to  this  horse,  because  at  Schonbrunn  in 
1803,  at  a  review,  it  carried  him  into  the  ranks  of  the  Guard, 
causing  injuries  to  some  of  the  men.  But  during  the  retreat 
from  Russia  he  was  glad  to  ride  it,  as  it  did  not  slip  on  the  ice 
like  the  other  horses.  At  Liitzen,  when  Napoleon  was  on  its 
back,  a  bullet  shot  off  some  of  its  hair,  which  never  grew 
again  over  the  spot.  When  Napoleon  visited  his  stables  at 
Elba,  he  would  look  at  the  place  and,  giving  the  horse  a  lump 
of  sugar,  say  :  "  Eh,  we  escaped  nicely  that  time,  both  of  us." 

"Montevideo,"  a  bay  from  South  Africa  with  flowing 
mane  and  tail,  had  been  used  in  Spain.  Well-mannered,  this 
horse  was  reserved  at  Elba  for  Marie  Louise. 

"  Emir,"  a  Turk,  with  flowing  black  mane  and  tail,  had 
been  used  in  Spain,  and  in  1814. 

"  Gonzalve,"  a  big  Spanish  bay,  with  flowing  mane  and 
tail,  was  ridden  by  Napoleon  in  Spain,  and  in  1814  at  Brienne. 

Two  small  Corsican  horses  were  bought  for  climbing  the 
rough  places  on  the  hills.  In  the  regulations  he  issued  on  the 
22nd  June,  Napoleon  ordered  that  the  Corsican  horses  were 
not  to  receive  more  than  a  half -ration  of  food  each.  "  The 
five  mules,"  proceeds  the  order,  "  will  be  all  five  provided 
with  pack  saddles  ;   none  of  them  with  riding  saddles  ;   they 


will  be  divided  into  two  brigades  :   one  of  three  mules  and  a 
small  horse,  the  other  of  two  mules  and  a  small  horse."  ^ 

Here  is  another  regulation  :  "  You  will  have  given  out 
of  the  account  for  the  building  of  Saint  Martin,  half  a  bushel 
of  oats  as  gratuity  "  {en  gratification)  "  to  the  horses  em- 
ployed upon  the  transport  of  materials." 

And  this  is  another  division  into  minute  brigades  :  "  This 
is  the  number  of  saddle  horses  required  per  day  :  one  horse 
is  enough  for  me  ;  one  for  the  officer  in  command  of  the 
cavalry  which  may  be  accompanying  me,  one  for  the  groom 
(these  will  not  be  native  horses) ;  one  for  the  orderly  officer, 
one  for  my  chasseur  (these  two  will  be  native  horses).  To 
form  three  brigades  there  will  be  needed,  therefore,  nine 
French  horses  and  six  native  horses.  These  six  native  horses 
will  cost  me  in  provender  only  as  much  as  three  "  (French 
horses).  2 

Less  than  two  years  had  elapsed  since  the  Emperor  had 
led  an  army  of  half  a  million  men  across  Europe.  He  was 
now  forming  brigades  consisting  of  two  mules  and  a  Corsican 
horse,  three  mules  and  a  Corsican  horse,  three  French  horses 
and  two  Elban  horses.  Thus  with  nine  French  horses,  six 
Elban,  two  Corsican,  and  five  mules,  he  was  in  a  position 
to  create  five  brigades.  One  would  say  that  his  mind  was 
affected  were  it  not  that  he  had  shown  the  same  tendency 
ever  since  the  Moscow  disaster.  He  gave  orders  then  for  the 
movement  of  corps  of  troops  which  he  knew  existed  only  in 
his  own  imagination.  He  would  place  a  Marshal  of  the  Em- 
pire in  command,  and  if  the  Marshal  protested  that  he  was 
not  in  fact  given  any  soldiers,  the  reply  he  got  was  :  "  Would 
you  deprive  me  of  my  peace  of  mind  ?  "  It  was  with  the 
deliberate  intention  of  deceiving  himself  that  he  made  use 
of  the  word  "  brigade."  A  conscientious  acceptance  of  facts 
might  have  unhinged  the  brain.  By  refusing  to  admit  his 
losses  he  contrived  to  i:)reserve  a  certain  amount  of  mental 

1  Registre,  No.  5.  ^  Registre^  Nos.  16,  74. 


There  were  two  riding  horses  for  Bertrand,  two  for  Drouot, 
and  eleven  for  the  suite,  making  twenty-five  riding  horses 
in  all.  For  harness  work  there  was  a  team  of  eight  bays 
for  the  great  state  coach,  never  used  at  Elba,  where  it  was 
quite  out  of  place  ;  four  teams  of  six  horses  for  the  berlines  ; 
three  teams  of  four  in  regular  work ;  four  bay  carriage  horses 
for  the  town,  required  for  visitors  or  the  suite  ;  four  teams  of 
six  for  the  wagons  ;  and  five  mules,  making  seventy-seven 
altogether,  and  a  grand  total  of  one  hundred  and  two  horses 
for  riding  and  driving. 

For  stables  Napoleon  used  the  salt  warehouses  of  the  salt 
contractor,  Signor  Senno.  He  had  them  properly  paved, 
well  lighted  by  windows  looking  on  to  the  sea,  and  arranged 
with  mangers  on  each  side  of  a  broad  central  path.  They 
abutted  on  to  a  big  shed  where  the  chargers  of  the  Polish 
Lancers  were  placed.  There  were  also  harness-rooms  on  a 
large  scale. 

Altogether  there  were  forty-two  persons  employed  in 
connection  with  the  horses  and  carriages,  including  the  two 
grooms  and  three  coachmen  required  for  Madame  Mere, 
Princess  Pauline,  and  Madame  Bertrand,  when  these  ladies 
had  arrived  on  the  island. 

Napoleon's  carriages  were  gilded  and  marked  with  the 
Imperial  arms.  The  postilions  wore  green  coats  with  green 
buttons,  a  red  vest  with  gold  braid,  and  a  round  hat  with 
gold  braid.  The  simple  Elbans,  for  whom  even  an  ordinary 
one-horse  carriage  was  a  rare  sight,  were  astonished  at  all 
this  grandeur. 

Napoleon's  standing  order  to  the  stables  was  :  "  The 
harness  will  always  be  ready  for  two  carri^ages  with  six  horses 
each,  in  case  they  might  be  required."  They  would  seldom 
be  brought  out,  as  he  knew  very  well,  but  he  could  not 
dispense  with  the  fantastic  illusions  he  obtained  when 
giving  such  orders. 



ON  the  31st  May  the  NeapoUtan  warship  Laeiitia 
brought  to  Portoferraio  Napoleon's  favourite 
sister,  the  beautiful  Pauline.  She  was  still  in  poor 
health,  and  had  to  be  carried  in  a  sedan-chair 
from  the  quay  to  the  Mulini  Palace.  Napoleon  had  hired 
for  her  a  house  within  a  few  yards  of  his  own,  belonging  to 
Vantini,  one  of  his  chamberlains,  at  a  rental  of  £8  per  month  ; 
but  it  was  being  repaired,  and  Pauline  did  not  take  a  fancy 
to  it.  Napoleon  found  room  for  her  in  the  Mulini,  but  men 
were  at  work  there  also,  and  Pauline's  nerves  could  not  endure 
the  noise  they  made.  She  went  on  to  Naples  on  the  2nd  June, 
promising  to  return  later. 

News  came  of  the  death  of  Josephine,  which  occurred  on 
the  29th  May  at  Malmaison.  She  had  received  the  King  of 
Prussia  to  dinner  on  the  24th,  though  suffering  from  a  sore 
throat ;  on  the  26th  she  was  so  much  worse  that  the  Czar 
sent  his  physician  to  attend  upon  her.  Her  daughter  Queen 
Hortense  was  with  her  at  the  end.  The  funeral  ceremonies 
took  place  in  the  parish  church  of  Ruelle,  and  were  conducted 
with  great  pomp,  a  number  of  distinguished  generals  being 
present  from  the  Allied  armies.  Napoleon  had  been  at  one 
time  warmly  attached  to  her,  and  was  much  distressed  at 
the  news.  Josephine  had  been  willing  to  join  him  at  Elba, 
but  pride  as  well  as  policy  made  it  impossible  for  him  to 
abandon  the  Imperial  House  of  Austria. 


<  5 

r-^  — 

—  c 

%  5 



At  this  time  there  was  in  the  harbour  of  Portoferraio 
a  British  merchant  ship  from  Malta,  which  before  the  fall 
of  the  Empire  had  been  captured  by  a  privateer  from  Porto- 
ferraio and  brought  in.  After  Napoleon's  arrival  the  Board 
of  Health  at  Leghorn  sent  an  application  for  the  ship  to  be 
brought  to  Leghorn  to  undergo  quarantine.  There  existed 
a  long-standing  feud  between  Portoferraio  and  Leghorn,  and 
Napoleon's  answer  was  to  disembark  the  cargo  and  place 
it  under  a  guard  on  the  beach.  Leghorn  put  Elba  into  a 
quarantine  of  twenty-five  days,  which  was  at  once  imitated 
by  Genoa,  Marseilles,  Corsica,  and  very  generally  throughout 
the  Mediterranean.  Napoleon  thereupon  sent  for  Captain 
Roule  of  the  Engineers,  and  ordered  him  to  erect  a  lazaretto 
at  the  further  end  of  the  bay.  Portoferraio  being  reached 
from  the  east  before  Leghorn,  he  expected  his  quarantine 
station  in  a  magnificent  natural  harbour,  far  superior  to  that 
of  Leghorn,  to  supersede  the  Tuscan  port,  and  thus  attract 
a  large  amount  of  shipping.  The  lazaretto  was  accordingly 
begun  by  Roule  on  a  grand  scale  under  the  instructions  of 
Napoleon,  who  watched  its  progress  Avith  great  interest. 
In  the  meantime  Elba  was  in  general  Mediterranean  quaran- 
tine, cut  off  from  normal  relations  with  the  rest  of  the 

When  the  inconvenience  and  loss  thereby  occasioned  to 
Napoleon  himself,  as  well  as  to  every  other  inhabitant  of  the 
island,  had  been  sufficiently  experienced,  the  Emperor  asked 
Campbell  to  go  to  Leghorn  and  make  certain  representations, 
as  from  the  Intendant-General  of  Elba.  Campbell  willingly 
complied,  and  on  arrival  at  Leghorn,  the  necessary  sanitary 
regulations  having  been  complied  with,  he  was  permitted  to 
communicate  with  the  shore  but  not  allowed  to  land.  Camp- 
bell took  no  part  himself  in  the  quarrel,  though  he  regarded 
the  attempt  of  Napoleon  to  force  the  shipping  world  to  give 
precedence  to  Portoferraio,  with  its  fishing  population  of 
three  thousand  souls,  over  the  great  port  of  Leghorn,  as  an 
absurdity.    Of  course,  Leghorn  won  the  day,  and  Napoleon 


had  to  abandon  the  works  at  the  lazaretto  when  half -finished. 
This  attempt  to  dictate  to  the  traders  of  the  Mediterranean 
was  a  Lilliputian  repetition  of  the  Continental  system,  with 
its  defiance  of  the  shipping  world. 

Pons^  says  that  Napoleon's  original  intention  was  to  make 
Porto  Longone  the  grand  quarantine  station,  and  Porto- 
ferraio  the  ordinary  station  ;  and  that  when  Pons  observed 
that  the  communication  between  the  two  by  sea  through  the 
straits  of  Piombino  was  not  easy,  Napoleon  replied  that  he 
would  excavate  a  canal  between  the  two  ports,  across  the 
island  of  Elba.  Pons  observed  that  the  expense  would  be 
enormous,  whereupon  Napoleon  said  that  it  was  to  be  sup- 
posed that  the  money  due  to  him  under  the  Treaty  of  Fon- 
tainebleau  would  be  paid.  Pons  then  remarked  that  the 
Directory  had  cherished  the  idea  of  making  a  similar  canal 
near  Hyeres,  at  which  Napoleon  said  :  "  Did  the  Directory 
have  ideas  ?  "  He  was  evidently  proud  of  this  one.  The 
necessary  excavation  would  have  been  about  five  miles  in 
length.  The  sum  due  under  the  treaty,  £80,000  a  year,  even 
if  there  had  been  no  other  claims  upon  it,  would  have  been 
utterly  inadequate  for  the  purpose,  as  Napoleon  must  have 
known,  but  he  could  not  refrain  from  speaking  as  if  he  still 
had  the  resources  of  the  Empire  at  his  disposal. 

The  29th  May,  a  Sunday,  was  the  fete  day  of  San  Cristino, 
the  patron  saint  of  Portoferraio,  and  therefore  chosen  for 
the  festival  of  reception  to  be  held  in  honour  of  the  Emperor. 
He  went  in  State  to  High  Mass  in  the  morning,  in  his  gilded 
carriage  drawn  by  six  horses,  with  postilions  and  outriders, 
his  escort  of  Lancers,  and  accompanied  by  his  staff  on  horse- 
back in  their  best  uniforms  ;  the  Guard  lined  the  route. 

In  the  evening  he  went  to  the  ball  given  him  by  the 
municipality  of  Portoferraio,  in  the  same  State,  lighted  by  a 
great  show  of  torches.  The  distance  from  the  Mulini  to  the 
cathedral  or  to  the  town  hall  would  occupy  five  minutes 
on  foot ;  a  carriage  at  a  trot  would  cover  the  longer  road  for 

1  Pous,  p.  293. 


wheeled  traffic  in  about  the  same  tmie.  Napoleon  declared 
to  Bertrand  that  he  would  have  much  preferred  to  go  on  foot, 
with  him  and  Drouot  for  his  only  following  ;  that  it  seemed 
a  ridiculous  fuss  to  make,  but  that  "if  he  had  not  appeared 
before  the  Elbans  in  all  the  splendour  which  they  expect  in 
a  Sovereign,  they  might  not  have  believed  in  his  Sovereignty, 
and  in  his  own  best  interests  that  had  to  be  prevented  on 
every  occasion  when  it  might  present  itself."  ^ 

Thus  Napoleon  sought  to  justify  himself  before  Bertrand, 
Drouot,  and  the  other  Frenchmen  who  had  witnessed  the 
Imperial  State  in  Paris,  to  whom  the  Portoferraio  efforts 
savoured  of  comedy.  While  he  feared  their  secret  contempt 
at  the  feeble  display,  he  could  not  bring  himself  to  dispense 
with  such  show  as  was  procurable.  It  was  by  no  means  only 
for  the  Elbans. 

The  4th  June,  the  birthday  of  King  George  III,  was  cele- 
brated by  the  British  ships  in  harbour,  H.M.  frigate  Cura^oa, 
Captain  Tower,  and  H.M.  brig  Swallow,  Captain  James.  The 
Royal  Standard  of  King  George  was  hoisted  on  the  mainmast, 
that  of  Louis  XVIII  on  the  foremast,  and  the  new  flag  of  the 
Sovereign  of  Elba  on  the  mizzen.  The  French  frigate  Dryade, 
and  Napoleon's  brig  Inconstant,  displayed  the  British  flag. 
Captain  Tower  issued  invitations  for  "  an  impromptu  fete  " 
at  half-past  five.  A  list  of  the  persons  to  be  invited  had  been 
obtained  from  the  municipality,  and  an  officer  was  sent  on 
shore  with  the  invitations,  which  he  delivered  at  every  door  ; 
he  was  instructed  to  enquire  whether  any  names  had  been 
forgotten,  until  every  presentable  man,  woman,  and  child 
had  been  included. 

At  nine  Napoleon  arrived,  and  was  received  by  Captain 
Tower  and  his  staff,  while  the  sailors  gave  three  cheers,  which 
he  acknowledged  by  taking  off  his  hat.  He  went  to  the 
quarter-deck,  where  a  circle  had  been  formed,  and  the 
Emperor  passed  from  one  person  to  the  next,  repeating  to 
each  "  the  same  insignificant  questions  which  he  generally 

'  Pons,  p.  228. 


asked  on  such  occasions,"  says  Pons.  After  the  ball  there 
was  the  usual  supper,  and  Pons  was  disgusted  at  the  be- 
haviour of  two  tipsy  English  officers.  "It  is  incomprehen- 
sible how  a  people  which  has  almost  attained  to  the  highest 
degree  of  civilisation  can  fail  to  cure  itself  once  and  for  all 
.of  this  degrading  malady,"  says  Pons.^ 

The  French  garrison  was  now  withdrawn  from  Elba.  Most 
of  the  soldiers  and  under-officers  left  in  a  merchant  vessel. 
The  Dryade  took  the  remainder,  together  with  General 
Dalesme  and  his  staff,  and  the  higher  French  civilians.  As 
they  M^ere  about  to  embark  Dalesme  presented  them  to 
Napoleon.  The  ceremony,  with  Dalesme's  speech  of  affec- 
tionate farewell,  moved  the  Emperor  deeply.  He  was  touched 
to  the  quick,  and  failed  to  conceal  his  emotion.  When  the 
ship  was  at  sea  he  watched  it  for  a  long  time  from  the  terrace 
of  the  Mulini  garden,  unattended,  for  he  wished  to  be  alone. 
Before  moving  away  he  gave  the  departing  vessel  a  personal 
military  salute.  The  action  was  observed  by  the  courtiers 
standing  back  at  a  distance  ;  it  was  in  keeping  with  the 
broken  words  of  farewell  which  he  had  found  it  so  difficult 
to  utter.  He  had  lost  his  last  connection  with  France,  and 
was  suffering  indescribable  sorrow. 

General  Dalesme,  with  his  officers  and  men,  were  now  the 
subjects  of  Louis  XVIII,  and  yet  it  had  been  for  them  a 
pleasure  as  well  as  a  duty  to  confer  on  Napoleon  at  Elba  all 
the  honours  and  consideration  which  they  would  have  given 
him  at  the  Tuileries.  Henceforward  such  tributes  would 
come  only  from  persons  in  his  own  pay. 

In  preparation  for  his  birthday,  the  15th  August,  Napoleon 
sent  Vincent,  the  chief  groom,  to  Leghorn  to  procure  the 
materials  for  making  fireworks.  Vincent  was  also  to  obtain 
wood  for  repairs  to  the  wagons  which  had  been  damaged 
in  carrying  the  materials  for  Napoleon's  buildings  ;  and  he 
was  instructed  to  obtain  a  lady's  saddle,  as  like  as  possible 
to  the  saddle  Marie  Louise  had  used  at  St.  Cloud  when  she 

»  Pons,  p.  234. 


rode  a  horse  called  "  Fauteuil."  Vincent  was  also — and 
this  probably  was  the  real  cause  of  his  journey — to  deliver 
a  packet  of  secret  correspondence  to  a  certain  individual  in 
Florence,  a  former  grenadier.  He  went  on  the  Caroline, 
Captain  Richon,  and  bought  a  lady's  saddle,  with  a  stirrup 
in  red  morocco.  He  paid  700  francs  for  the  antimony  and 
other  firework  ingredients,  a  sum  which  he  asserted  was 
never  repaid  him.  He  went  on  to  Florence,  ostensibly  because 
he  could  not  obtain  suitable  wood  at  Leghorn,  and  duly 
delivered  his  packet. 

Napoleon  was  expecting  a  visit  from  his  mother,  then  at 
Rome.  Algerian  corsairs  were  from  time  to  time  seen  in  the 
Civita  Vecchia  direction,  and  accordingly  Madame  Mere 
travelled  to  Leghorn  in  order  to  obtain  a  passage  in  a 
British  warship.  She  arrived  there  on  the  29th  July,  at 
ten  in  the  evening,  with  two  coaches  and  six,  accompanied 
by  her  chamberlain,  the  Corsican,  Colonna  d'Istria,  the 
French  General,  Nansouty,  and  two  ladies-in-waiting  ;  she 
had  a  passport  from  the  Pope  in  the  name  of  Madame  de 
Pont.  From  Rome  she  had  been  escorted  by  four  Guards 
provided  by  her  son  Lucien,  and  from  Pisa  by  four  Austrian 

She  took  up  her  quarters  in  the  Hotel  Grande  Bretagne, 
Via  Ferdinanda,^  now  No.  19,  Via  Vittorio  Emanuele, 
the  last  house  but  one  at  the  harbour  end  of  the  chief  business 
street,  sometimes  called  the  Corso  of  Leghorn.  The  former 
hotel  is  now  let  in  flats. 

Campbell  was  at  Leghorn  awaiting  the  arrival  of  Madame. 
He  called  upon  her  at  the  hotel,  accompanied  by  Captain 
Battersby  of  the  Grasshopper.  Campbell  says  :  "  I  addressed 
her  as  '  Madame,'  and  '  Altesse.'  She  was  very  pleasant  and 
unaffected.    The  old  lady  is  very  handsome,  of  middle  size, 

*  Manuscript  Diary  of  G.  B.  Santoni  in  the  Biblioteca  Labronica,  Leg- 
horn, 29th  July,  1814. 

*  The  possessive  form  then  in  use  in  Tuscany,  denoting  the  street 
belonging  to  Ferdinand. 


with  a  good  figure  and  fresh  colour.  She  spoke  much  of  the 
Empress  Marie  Louise,  of  her  being  at  the  baths  of  Aix,  and 
of  her  bad  health,  with  many  signs  and  expressions  of 
great  regard,  as  if  her  separation  from  Napoleon  was 
not  voluntary  on  her  part ;  she  said  that  Marie  Louise 
had  expressed  her  intention  of  joining  Napoleon  in  Sep- 
tember." Letizia  must  have  known  that  she  was  spreading 
false  reports. 

When,  on  the  2nd  August,  the  party  walked  to  the  quay  for 
embarkation  on  H.M.  brig  Grasshopper^  Colonna,  his  hat  off, 
escorting  Madame,  Battersby  and  Campbell  escorting  the 
ladies-in-waiting,  a  large  crowd  followed  in  silence.  The 
distance  from  the  inn  to  the  quay  is  only  some  two  hundred 
yards.  When  the  shore  was  reached,  as  Letizia  was  entering 
the  barge,  there  was  an  outbreak  of  hissing,  hooting,  and 
cursing.  ^ 

On  the  voyage  Letizia  told  Campbell  that  Napoleon  had 
been  intended  for  the  navy,  but  that  when  she  visited  him 
at  his  school  at  Brienne  she  reminded  him  that  he  would 
have  to  contend  with  both  fire  and  water,  whereupon  he  gave 
up  the  idea  of  following  so  dangerous  a  profession.  She  had 
forgotten  the  facts.  The  navy  was  given  up  for  the  army 
owing  to  a  change  in  the  inspectorship  of  the  military  colleges. 
It  was  not  a  voluntary  act  upon  the  part  of  Napoleon,  nor 
was  it  occasioned  by  his  mother's  sudden  fear  of  the  sea  ; 
she  had  known  for  years  that  he  was  being  prepared  for  a 
naval  career.  No  doubt  she  made  the  remark  she  was  re- 
ferring to,  as  a  consolation  to  Napoleon  for  the  abandonment 
of  the  naval  career. 

Letizia  complained  to  Campbell  that  the  Minister  of  the 
Interior  would  not  give  more  than  £24,000  for  her  house, 
instead  of  the  £32,000  she  demanded,  which  was  merely 
what  it  had  cost  her.  The  Minister  wrote  that  if  she  would 
not  take  what  he  offered  she  would  regret  it,  to  which  her 
reply  was  that  she  would  never  give  up  her  rights  or  her 
1  Santoni,  2ncl  August,  1814.     Campbell,  p.  277. 


property,  or  bend  to  the  caprice  of  an  individual.  If  the 
Minister  took  her  house  by  force  she  would  appeal  to  the 
Law  Courts. 

When  the  Grasshopper  arrived  at  Portoferraio,  Napoleon 
was  not  present  to  receive  his  mother  ;  he  had  waited  all  the 
previous  day  for  her  at  the  Mulini  Palace,  and  had  now  gone 
to  San  Martino.  She  was  much  offended  at  his  absence. 
She  was  met  by  Bertrand  and  Drouot  and  some  officers  of 
the  Guard,  the  Mayor  and  other  municipal  officials,  and 
Napoleon's  grand  carriage  with  the  team  of  six  horses,  instead 
of  the  usual  caleche  and  four  he  habitually  used  himself. 
She  entered  it  with  her  ladies  of  honour,  and  passed  through 
streets  lined  with  soldiers,  followed  by  another  coach  and  six 
in  which  sat  Campbell,  Bertrand,  and  Drouot.  The  Vantini 
house  is  only  a  few  minutes'  walk,  straight  up  stone  stair- 
ways from  the  wharf.  A  sedan-chair  would  have  been  the 
best  conveyance. 

The  Vantini  house,  hired  originally  for  Pauline,  had  now 
been  prepared  for  Madame.  She  brought  her  own  furniture 
from  Rome.  With  her  two  ladies-in-waiting,  she  established 
an  Italian  household,  where  Corsicans  in  particular  were  well 
received.  She  lived  a  quiet  life,  going  out  very  little  and 
seldom  inviting  a  guest  to  her  table. 

Every  Sunday  she  dined  with  Napoleon,  and  she  spent 
many  of  her  evenings  in  his  house.  Napoleon  insisted  on  the 
greatest  honours  being  paid  to  her.  On  Sundays,  after  his 
own  reception,  all  the  officials  were  sent  to  pay  their  respects 
to  Madame  Mere  at  the  Maison  Vantini.  She  received  with 
dignity,  as  a  true  mother  of  kings  ;  many  trembled  before 
her  who  were  not  awed  by  the  Emperor. 

Madame  Mere  was  forty-three  years  of  age  when  the  family 
left  Ajaccio,  and  fifty  before  her  son  had  risen  to  the  position 
of  First  Consul.  She  was  never  anything  but  Corsican,  and 
now  that  France  had  dismissed  the  famil}^  she  made  no 
effort  to  conceal  her  preference  for  persons  of  her  own 
nationality.     She  endeavoured  to  obtain  for  certain  of  her 


compatriots  the  administration  of  the  mine,  the  salt,  and  the 
fishery.  Foiled  in  these  attempts,  she  made  a  great  effort 
to  obtain  the  agency  for  the  export  of  the  iron  ore  for  a 
so-called  Corsican  company,  which  consisted  of  a  few  Corsican 
relations.  She  found  out  the  amount  of  the  tender  sent  in 
by  a  Genoese  company,  and  then  offered  better  terms  on 
behalf  of  her  Corsican  syndicate.  Napoleon  consulted  Pons, 
pointing  out  that  the  Corsicans  were  all  of  them  relatives  of 
his  own,  and  that  they  offered  more  than  the  Genoese.  The 
reply  of  Pons  was  crushing.  He  said  that  he  found  it  almost 
impossible  to  get  any  return  from  the  Corsican  proprietors 
of  furnaces  for  the  iron  which  they  obtained  ;  that  the 
Grand  Duchess  ifilise.  Napoleon's  sister,  forgot  to  pay  for 
what  she  received  ;  that  the  Prince  of  Canino,  Napoleon's 
brother,  also  could  not  remember ;  and  that  it  was  there- 
fore most  improbable  that  the  syndicate  of  other  Corsi- 
can relatives  of  Napoleon  would  ever  pay  anything. 
Napoleon  burst  into  laughter  and  remarked :  "  That  is 
what  may  be  called  plain  speaking."  The  Genoese  got  the 

Napoleon  not  unnaturally  considered  that  as  his  mother 
was  wealthy,  having  saved  plentifully  from  the  handsome 
allowance  he  had  been  able  to  give  her,  she  should  pay  her 
own  way.  He  issued  orders  to  the  Grand  Marshal  that  the 
rent  of  the  Vantini  House  should  be  treated  in  the  accounts 
as  an  extraordinary  expense,  which  would  not  be  renewed  ; 
and  he  wrote  with  regard  to  repairs,  on  the  6th  September  : 

I  see  with  pain  that  men  are  always  at  work  on  the  Vantini 
House,  which  is  all  the  more  disagreeable  seeing  that  it  does 
not  belong  to  me.  It  is  proper  that  the  note  of  the  expendi- 
ture which  has  been  ordered  by  Madame  should  be  presented 
to  her,  so  that  she  shall  pay  ;  that  is  the  only  way  of  making 
her  abstain  from  ordering  anything  more,  nothing  being  less 
urgent  than  all  this  raising  of  walls  and  placing  of  iron 

1  Registre,  No.  64. 


Napoleon  was  justified  in  declining  to  pay  for  his  mother's 
iron  railings,  but  he  was  rather  hard  on  Pauline  when  later 
on  she  was  living  in  the  Mulini  Palace.  The  Grand  Marshal 
reported  :  "I  have  the  honour  to  submit  for  the  approval 
of  Your  Majesty  the  expense  incurred  for  the  eight  blinds  in 
the  salon  of  the  Princess  Borghese.  The  cloth  was  supplied 
by  the  Princess.  The  expense  amounts  to  62  francs  30 
centimes."  The  decision  of  His  Majesty  was  :  "  Not  having 
ordered  this  expenditure,  which  is  not  entered  upon  the  budget, 
the  Princess  will  pay.  It  will  be  the  same  with  all  expenses 
of  this  nature  which  are  not  approved  before  they  are 
undertaken."^  But  if  Pauline  had  proposed  to  take  away 
the  blinds  for  which  she  had  paid,  Napoleon  would  have 

Napoleon  gave  out  that  he  expected  his  wife  before  the 
end  of  the  month,  and  would  prefer  the  celebration 
of  his  birthday  to  be  postponed  to  the  27th  August, 
the  birthday  of  the  Empress,  but  he  well  knew  that 
Marie  Louise  was  not  coming,  and  afterwards  decided  that 
the  fete  should  take  place  on  his  own  birthday,  the 
15th  August. 

Portoferraio  was  determined  to  go  to  the  utmost  limit  of 
expense  to  honour  the  King  of  Elba,  though  it  meant  a  public 
debt  for  the  municipality,  and  something  like  bankruptcy 
for  the  citizens,  who  spent  far  more  than  they  could  afford 
on  the  dresses  of  their  ladies.  "  There  were  not,"  says  Pons, 
"  six  families  in  Portoferraio  whose  fortunes  were  on  a  level 
with  the  sums  which  the  unusual  splendour  of  their  wives 
cost."  Some  of  the  dresses  then  worn  have  been  carefully 
kept,  and  are  still  occasionally  shown  to  visitors.  A  beautiful 
costume  had  been  bought  for  the  fete  of  San  Cristino,  and  it 
was  impossible  to  wear  the  same  dress  again  for  the  Imperial 
fete,  for  which  indeed  an  even  more  luxurious  dress  was 
necessary ;  so  there  was  nothing  for  it  but  the  money- 

*  Correspondance,  No.  21670. 


A  large  wooden  ballroom  was  constructed  in  the  Place 
d'Armes,  and  a  triumphal  arch  was  erected  for  a  display  of 
fireworks.  A  course  was  prepared  just  outside  the  town  for 
a  race-meeting. 

The  day  began  with  salutes  from  the  guns  ;  then  all  the 
officials  went  to  pay  their  respects  to  the  Emperor,  and  from 
him  they  went  to  greet  Madame  Mere.  Napoleon  proceeded 
in  State  to  Mass  at  the  cathedral  in  his  coach  with  six  horses, 
as  he  had  done  at  the  fete  of  San  Cristino.  The  Guard  lined 
the  square,  but  were  unable  to  prevent  the  ladies  from 
pushing  past  them  to  show  themselves  to  the  Emperor  in 
their  grand,  ruinous  dresses.  They  did  the  same  at  the  race- 
meeting,  for  which  horses  had  been  imported  from  the 
Continent  at  great  expense ;  the  ladies  were  determined  to 
display  their  finery,  and  placed  themselves  on  the  best 
seats,  as  close  as  possible  to  the  Emperor.  The  race- 
meeting  was  a  great  success,  but  the  fireworks  were 
spoiled  by  a  high  wind.  On  a  triumphal  arch  were  the 
words  "  A  VEmpereur "  ;  the  wind  blew  out  several  of 
the  letters,  leaving  "  le  Pere,""  a  most  affecting  incident, 
which  created  a  sensation. 

Illumination  was  general,  and  the  rivalry  in  taste  and 
brilliance  of  design  was  severe.  Pons  records,  with  quiet 
dignity:^  "Mine  carried  away  the  prize.  I  say  it  with 
pleasure.  I  had  eight  windows  in  the  front  of  my  house.  I 
had  prepared  wooden  letters  as  large  as  the  windows  ;  a 
wooden  anchor  of  Hope,  twenty  feet  in  length,  projected 
from  the  centre  of  the  line  of  letters  ;  and  each  letter  had 
above  it  a  star  which  equalled  it  in  size.  The  eight  letters 
were  dominated  by  a  single  letter,  an  A  ;  these  eight  letters 
formed  the  name  of  Napoleon.  All  this  woodwork  was  set  out 
with  tricoloured  lamps  as  close  together  as  possible.  As  soon 
as  it  was  lighted  the  crowd  flocked  to  my  house,  and  honoured 
me  with  repeated  applause.  The  Emperor  was  informed. 
The  Emperor  went  to  the  house  of  the  Captain  of  the  Port, 
1  Pons,  pp.  230-3. 


which  was  opposite  mine,  and  he  gazed  for  a  long  time. 
Colonel  Campbell  declared  that  my  allegory  was  too  explicit. 
However,  I  knew  nothing  of  the  projects  of  the  Emperor  ; 
indeed  I  do  not  believe  that  at  that  time  the  Emperor  had 
any  projects." 



DURING  her  short  stay  at  Portoferraio,  from  31st 
May  to  2nd  June,  the  Princess  PauHne  made 
arrangements  for  the  purchase  of  a  country  house. 
She  told  her  brother  that  she  wished  to  have  a 
small  property  of  her  own.  Napoleon  thereupon,  on  the  1st 
June,  went  to  inspect  an  estate  situated  upon  the  slope  of 
the  mountain  San  Martino,  about  three  miles  from  Porto- 
ferraio. It  was  quiet  and  secluded,  with  hills  on  either  side 
and  at  the  back,  and  there  were  beautiful  views  of  the  town 
and  harbour.  The  only  buildings  were  a  peasant's  cottage 
and  a  storehouse.  Napoleon  enjoyed  designing  and  super- 
intending architectural  alterations,  and  it  was  agreed  that 
Pauline  should  buy  the  estate,  and  that  while  she  was  away 
at  Naples  Napoleon  would  have  a  country  cottage  constructed 
for  her. 

To  clench  the  matter  Pauline  gave  Bertrand  a  necklace 
of  diamonds  which  was  to  be  sold  to  provide  the  purchase 
money.  Negotiations  for  purchase  were  entered  upon.  The 
value  of  such  a  property  is  calculated,  without  considering 
the  buildings,  from  the  return  in  grain,  oil,  and  wine.  The 
contadini,  or  peasants,  cultivate  the  land,  make  the  wine, 
grind  the  olives,  and  harvest  the  grain,  and  hand  over  to  the 
padrone  a  half  of  the  resulting  produce.  It  was  not  till 
the  23rd  June  that  an  agreement  was  reached.  On  that  day 
Napoleon  gave  Bertrand  a  bill  for  56,000  francs,  which 
Bertrand  gave  to  Lapi,  one  of  Napoleon's  chamberlains, 




Scale      j-4-hH- 




Drawn  by 
Norwood  Ycung 


for  the  proprietor,  named  Manganaro.  ^  Napoleon  also  bought 
from  time  to  time  the  adjoining  properties. 

The  small  house  which  Napoleon  made  out  of  the  storehouse 
still  exists,  and  except  for  an  inner  stair  and  the  enlarged 
terrace,  it  stands  now  exactly  as  Napoleon  left  it.  The 
exterior  is  singularly  unpretentious,  with  the  plain  white- 
washed walls,  green  shutters,  and  red  tiled  roof  of  the 
ordinary  Italian  villa.  On  each  side  of  the  central  door  there 
are  three  windows  on  the  ground  floor,  and  there  are  seven 
windows  above.  Originally  the  building  consisted  of  a  ground 
floor  with  a  loft  above  reached  by  an  outside  stone  stair, 
a  common  Italian  arrangement.  In  this  case  the  store  being 
built  upon  a  slope,  the  loft  was  on  a  level  with  the  ground 
at  the  back.  Napoleon  raised  the  roof,  as  he  had  done  at  the 
Mulini  house,  and  thus  obtained  a  suite  of  rooms  on  the  first 
floor  with  entrances  at  the  back,  the  rooms  below,  with 
entrance  on  a  level  with  the  garden,  being  used  for  a  bath- 
room and  the  quarters  of  the  domestics.  He  enlarged  the 
front,  and  added  a  second  outside  stone  staircase  at  the 
further  end.  There  was  no  internal  communication  from  the 
garden  floor  to  Napoleon's  apartments.  The  inconvenience 
of  this  arrangement  was  offset  by  the  increased  security  it 
gave  ;  there  was  only  the  back  to  guard.  By  way  of  further 
precaution  the  house  was  so  designed  that  there  was  no 
entrance  to  any  of  the  apartments  occupied  by  Napoleon 
save  through  an  ante-chamber.  It  is  a  curious  fact  that  all 
the  doors  in  the  house  are  forty-five  inches  in  breadth 
except  the  two  leading  to  Napoleon's  bedroom,  which  are 
narrowed  to  twenty-nine  and  thirty-one  inches  respectively. 

Wlien  Napoleon  drove  up  in  his  carriage  by  the  fine  broad 
road  he  had  constructed,  to  the  flat  gravelled  space  he  had 
opened  at  the  back,  he  entered  the  house  by  an  ante-chamber 
and  passed  through  a  twenty-nine-inch  door  to  his  dressing- 
room,  where  the  valet  slept  on  a  mattress  on  the  floor,  and 
thence  through  a  thirty-one-inch  door  to  his  bedroom. 
'  Peyrusse,  Appendix,  p.  132. 


This  has  two  windows,  with  a  beautiful  view  to  Portoferraio 
and  beyond,  including  the  coast  of  Italy,  and  looking  down 
upon  the  little  garden  in  front ;  and  there  is  another  window 
to  the  east.  The  room  is  only  fourteen  feet  by  eleven. 
Having  the  whole  of  the  upper-floor  area  to  dispose  of. 
Napoleon  deliberately  carved  out  of  it  this  small  space  for 
his  bedroom,  and  an  equally  confined  space  for  his  study. 
These  rooms  were  smaller  than  those  about  which  he  com- 
plained at  St.  Helena.  He  built  fireplaces,  which  are  very 
unusual  luxuries  at  Elba,  in  these  rooms.  He  preferred  small 
rooms,  where  he  could  be  warmer,  and  perhaps  safer,  than  in 
the  larger  apartments.  The  walls  of  the  bedroom  are  painted 
to  give  the  appearance  of  a  tent,  in  allusion  to  the  campaigns 
of  the  great  soldier,  an  idea  which  he  carried  out  to  its  fullest 
extent  at  Malmaison,  where  one  of  the  rooms  is  in  fact  a 
tent  within  walls.  The  ceiling  is  decorated  with  small 
squares,  in  which  are  represented  alternately  a  bee  and  a 
cross  of  the  Legion  of  Honour. 

The  door  from  the  bedroom  leads  into  the  salon,  which  is 
sixteen  feet  deep  and  twenty-eight  feet  long,  and  has  three 
windows  looking  towards  Portoferraio.  This  room  has  a  fire- 
place. On  the  ceiling  are  depicted  two  doves  connected  by 
a  blue  silk  ribbon,  with  a  large  knot  in  the  centre  which  is 
supposed  to  tighten  as  the  doves  become  separated  from 
each  other — an  allusion  to  Napoleon  and  Marie  Louise. 
Besides  his  ever-present  concern  for  appearances.  Napoleon 
was  struggling  to  keep  up  his  own  heart,  hoping  against 
hope  that  the  allegory  might  ultimately  justify  itself. 

Beyond  this  room  was  Napoleon's  study,  fourteen  feet 
by  eleven  feet,  with  a  fireplace,  and  the  last  two  of  the  seven 
windows  looking  over  Portoferraio. 

The  salon  opens  into  the  Egyptian  room,  the  largest  room 
in  the  house,  twenty-six  feet  by  twenty-eight  feet.  It  is 
paved  with  marble  slabs,  and  has  in  the  centre  an  octagonal 
basin  of  marble,  intended  for  a  fountain,  but  the  water  was 
never  laid  on.    There  is  a  fireplace  of  an  agreeable  design. 


The  main  decoration  of  the  walls  consists  of  Egyptian  hiero- 
glyphs of  the  colour  of  grey  porphyry,  which  form  the 
background  for  paintings  of  Egyptian  columns,  minarets, 
date  palms,  camels,  an  Arab  encampment,  a  combat  of 
Mameluke  Cavalry,  and  Ethiopian  women  bathing.  On  the 
ceiling  are  the  signs  of  the  Zodiac,  also  in  the  prevailing  grey 

Napoleon  told  Las  Cases  at  St.  Helena  that  "  the  best 
artists  of  Italy  had  competed  for  the  honour  of  being  en- 
trusted with  the  work,  and  begged  as  a  favour  to  be  per- 
mitted to  embellish  the  building."  That  is  an  absurd 
exaggeration,  but  the  ornamentation  is  not  unpleasing,  and 
does  not  deserve  the  contemptuous  criticism  it  has  received. 
The  designs  were  taken  by  the  artist,  Ravelli,  in  accordance 
with  the  instructions  of  Napoleon,  from  a  large  illustrated 
work  on  Egypt,  published  in  1809.  They  are  faithful  to  the 
subject,  the  grey  background  is  cool  and  pleasing,  and  if  the 
colours  of  the  figures  are  bright,  that  also  is  Egyptian  in 
character.  Though  evidently  not  the  work  of  a  great  artist, 
the  whole  effect  is,  perhaps  for  that  reason,  agreeably  Oriental. 

On  one  of  the  columns  are  the  words,  "  Ubicumque  felix 
Napoleo,"  a  motto  partly  serious,  expressing  the  capacity 
to  take  reverses  philosophically,  partly  perhaps  designed 
to  reassure  public  opinion  as  to  the  Emperor's  supposed 
intention  to  return  to  the  great  world.  With  the  same 
idea  medals  are  said  to  have  been  struck  at  Milan  with  the 
words,  "  Napoleo  imperator  et  rex  dominus  Elbae  ubicumque 
felix,"  but  Campbell  in  spite  of  his  searches  was  never  able 
to  come  across  an  example.^ 

Opening  out  of  the  Egyptian  room  were  two  rooms  for 
Bertrand  and  Drouot,  or  for  Madame  Mere  and  Pauline, 
without  fireplaces. 

On  the  ground  floor  were  the  kitchen  and  the  servants' 

'  Pellet,  p.  106,  says  tliey  were  quite  common,  but  as  none  are  now  to  be 
found  the  best  authorities  on  numismatics  suppose  that  the  design  was  dis- 
cussed but  never  executed. 


quarters,  and  beneath  Napoleon's  bedroom  was  his  bathroom, 
thirteen  feet  by  sixteen.  In  it  is  still  to  be  seen  the  solid  white 
marble  bath,  twenty-six  inches  broad  by  sixty-six  long, 
with  a  large  soap-dish  fixed  in  the  wall,  and  just  above  it  a 
painting  of  a  naked  woman — Truth  examining  herself  in  a 
small  mirror  held  in  her  hand.  There  is  a  Latin  motto  here 
also,  for  on  the  mirror  is  written,  "  Qui  odit  Veritatem,  odit 
Lucem  "  (Who  hates  the  truth  hates  the  light). 

In  the  corner  of  the  bathroom  an  opening  was  cut  in  the 
wall  in  1881,  by  the  then  proprietor,  Signor  Giuliani,  for  a 
wooden  staircase  only  two  feet  broad,  with  a  rope  railing 
to  assist  the  climber.  No  heavy,  corpulent  person  could  have 
mounted  these  stairs  with  any  comfort.  To  reach  the  bath- 
room from  his  bedroom  Napoleon  had  to  go  out  of  the  house 
by  a  door  leading  to  the  outer  stairs,  and  so  reach  the  garden 

Napoleon's  favourite  drive  was  from  Portoferraio  to  San 
Martino,  and  a  pleasant  excursion  it  is.  He  spent  some 
money  and  the  labour  of  a  dozen  men  of  his  Guard  in  repair- 
ing and  enlarging  the  rough  track  that  he  found  in  existence  ; 
and  he  constructed  a  new  branch,  with  a  small  bridge  over 
a  stream,  to  enable  his  carriage  to  reach  the  back  of  the  house. 
Until  this  was  completed  it  was  his  custom  to  drive  every 
afternoon  as  far  as  his  carriage  would  go,  to  the  base  of  the 
wall  just  below  the  house,  and  mount  thence  on  foot  to  the 
terrace  and  little  garden  in  front  of  the  house.  A  giant  nettle 
tree  which  he  is  supposed  to  have  planted  grows  there, 
obscuring  some  of  the  upper  windows  of  the  villino.  The 
views  from  the  terrace  were  superb,  but  one  of  the  later 
proprietors  was  so  ill-advised  as  to  erect  directly  in  the  line 
of  vision  a  large  building,  which  he  intended  to  use  as  a 
factory  for  making  champagne  from  the  San  Martino  grapes. 
The  project  came  to  nothing,  but  the  huge  erection  remains 
there,  unused  and  unoccupied,  to  destroy  the  beauty  of  the 
landscape,  which  was  the  great  charm  of  the  place.  On  the 
hot  summer  days  Napoleon  would  sit  on  the  terrace  watching 


the  workmen,  or  he  would  go  to  a  spot  a  Httle  higher  up 
where  there  was  a  spring  of  deUciously  cold  water,  which  he 
drank  out  of  a  small  metal  cup. 

It  has  been  questioned  whether  Napoleon  ever  slept  in 
the  Villa  San  Martino,^  but  the  evidence  that  he  did  so, 
though  we  do  not  know  for  how  long,  is  overwhelming. 

On  the  26th  July  he  wrote  to  Bertrand  :  "  Give  orders 
to  the  architect  that  the  three  rooms  in  the  Saint  Martin 
house  which  face  Portoferraio  must  be  entirely  finished  on 
Saturday,  that  the  windows  and  blinds  must  be  then  in 
position,  and  the  rooms  floored  and  painted,  so  that  on 
Sunday  we  may  send  the  curtains,  an  iron  bed,  and  the  neces- 
sary furniture.  We  shall  then  have  there  at  once  a  pied-a- 
terre.  If  all  this  is  not  done  the  house  will  not  be  habitable 
when  we  need  it."^ 

On  the  30th  he  wrote  to  Bertrand  that  the  raising  of  the 
roof  of  the  Mulini  Palace  was  to  be  commenced  on  the  Monday 
following  and  finished  on  the  Saturday  :  "  It  is  possible," 
he  says,  "  that  I  may  come  to  sleep  at  Portoferraio  from 
Thursday  to  Sunday,"^  and  for  that  reason  he  ordered  that 
the  scaffolding  was  to  be  on  the  side  of  the  court  only,  and 
the  work  carried  on  from  that  direction,  so  as  not  to  disturb 
him  when  his  tent  was  placed  in  the  garden. 

The  next  letters  are  dated  4th  August,  and  there  are  four 
of  them,  indicating  that  arrears  had  accumulated  during  his 
absence.  In  one  of  them  he  writes  :  "I  send  you  the  esti- 
mate of  the  work  to  be  done  at  Saint  Martin  with  the  plans, 
that  you  may  approve  of  them  in  the  course  of  the  day, 
so  that  the  work  may  begin  to-morrow."* 

It  may  be  concluded  therefore  that  Napoleon  was  at 
San  Martino  from  the  31st  July  to  the  4th  August.     While 

1  "  Le  Temps  "  of  18th  August,  1912,  published  an  interview  by  Emile 
Henriot  with  Frederic  Masson,  in  which  the  well-known  Napoleonic  writer 
expressed  his  doubts  on  the  point.  He  has  repeated  them  in  "  Napoleon  et  sa 
Famille,"  Vol.  X,  p.  348. 

2  Registre,  No.  34. 

3  Registre,  No.  40. 

*  Correspondance,  No.  21G00. 


he  was  away  the  roof  was  being  raised  at  the  Mulini  Palace  ; 
immediately  on  his  return  the  work  at  San  Martino  was 
pushed  forward. 

Another  date  of  which  we  can  be  sure  is  the  12th  November, 
for  there  is  a  letter  to  Drouot  dated  : — 

"  Saint  Martin, 

'' 12  Novembre,  1814^:'^ 

There  are  other  references  to  San  Martino  which  show  that 
Napoleon  lodged  there  at  some  time.  In  "  L'ile  d'Elbe  et  les 
Cent  Jours,"  on  page  10,  Napoleon  says  :  "Before  the  end 
of  the  year  Napoleon  was  passably  housed.  He  had  a  pavilion 
at  Portoferraio,  another  at  Porto  Longone,  the  villa  of  Saint 
Martin,  to  which  he  went  sometimes,  and  the  hermitage  of 
Marciana,  where  he  passed  several  weeks  during  the  great 
heats."  On  page  23  :  "A  great  many  English  travellers 
of  the  highest  distinction  making  the  Italian  tour,  came  to 
the  island  of  Elba  ;  they  saw  the  Grand  Marshal  and  General 
Drouot,  who  presented  them  to  the  Emperor,  either  when  he 
was  at  the  Villa  Saint  Martin  or  when  he  was  at  the  pavilion 
of  Portoferraio."  Speaking  of  the  plans  for  assassination  he 
says,  page  26  :  "  Then  they  would  besiege  the  Emperor  in 
his  villa  of  Saint  Martin." 

Peyrusse  writes  :  "In  the  cellar  of  Saint  Martin  there 
was  some  wine.  Being  admitted,  after  my  work  with  the 
Emperor,  to  the  honour  of  dining  with  His  Majesty  and  some 
Genoese,  English,  and  Tuscans,  he  gave  us  in  small  glasses  the 
honours  of  his  wine,  which  we  had  to  pronounce  very  good  ; 
and  as  it  was  characteristic  of  him  to  give  everything  the 
appearance  of  being  extraordinary.  His  Majesty  was  pleased 
to  tell  his  steward  to  designate  the  red  wine  under  the  title 
of  '  Cote  de  Rio,'  and  the  white  under  the  name  of  '  Monte- 
Giove. '  "  Peyrusse  knew  and  enjoyed  good  wine,  and  he 
complains  :  "  These  pompous  names  did  not  make  the  wine 
better.  Moreover,  the  Emperor  did  not  assist  in  the  con- 
'  Registre,  No.  128. 


sumption  of  his  wine,  His  Majesty  drinking  nothing  but 
Chambertin.  After  dinner  we  went  into  the  salon."  ^ 
Napoleon  was  evidently  residing  at  San  Martino  at  this  time. 

The  furniture  which  was  placed  in  the  house  by  Napoleon 
was  dispersed  after  1815.  Nothing  personal  to  the  great  man 
now  remains,  except  the  evidence  of  his  enjoyment  of  beau- 
tiful scenery  in  his  selection  of  the  site,  the  mark  of  his  taste 
in  the  design  and  decoration  of  the  house,  and  the  fact  that 
he  spent  many  afternoons  and  some  nights  on  the  property. 

All  the  payments  for  the  purchase  and  the  improvements 
were  made  by  Napoleon,  but  in  the  deeds  of  conveyance  the 
name  of  the  purchaser  was  not  revealed.  The  natural  result 
was  that  the  property  was  considered  to  belong  to  the  Em- 
peror and  that  Pauline's  title  to  it  was  never  suspected. 
Napoleon  treated  the  estate  as  his  own,  and  spoke  of  it  as 
such,  and  it  was  always  supposed  to  be  his.  But  when  he  was 
at  St.  Helena  he  declared  that  it  should  be  regarded  as  the 
property  of  Pauline,  and  told  Bertrand  to  write  to  her  to  that 

On  the  26th  April,  1821,  a  few  days  before  his  death,  he 
dictated  to  Marchand  certain  "  Instructions  "  in  which  the 
following  statement  appears  : — 

"  I  had  in  the  island  of  Elba  a  small  farm  called  Saint 
Martin,  valued  at  200,000  francs,  with  furniture,  carriages, 
etc. ;  it  had  been  bought  with  the  money  of  the  Princess 
Pauline  ;  if  it  has  been  restored  to  her  I  am  satisfied  ;  but 
if  that  has  not  been  done,  the  executors  of  my  will  should 
have  it  transferred  to  the  Princess  Pauline,  if  she  is  alive, 
and  it  will  become  part  of  my  estate  if  she  is  not  then  still 

But  owing  to  the  informality  in  the  deeds  of  purchase 
Pauline  was  unable  to  obtain  possession  of  San  Martino.  She 
died  in  1825,  and  in  her  will  she  left  "  the  villa  and  property 
of  San  Martino  in  the  island  of  Elba  to  my  nephew  Napoleone, 
the  son  of  the  Emperor,  my  brother." 

'  Peyrusse,  p.  254.  -  Montholou,  Re'cits,  II,  533. 


The  ownership,  however,  was  still  disputed.  Peyrusse 
was  appealed  to,  and  he  applied  to  Bertrand,  who  wrote  to 
him  as  follows  : — 

"Paris,  the  llfth  April,  1829. 
"  I  reply,  my  dear  Peyrusse,  to  the  point  in  your  last 
letter  relating  to  the  estate  of  Saint  Martin.  Napoleon  made 
me  write  from  Saint  Helena  to  the  Princess  Pauline  that  she 
should  claim  Saint  Martin  as  her  property.  At  the  request 
of  Her  Highness  I  addressed  to  her  in  1825  a  declaration  of 
which  I  now  annex  a  copy.  The  Princess  never  succeeded  in 
making  her  rights  to  that  small  estate  recognised.  It  appears 
tliat  you  have  been  applied  to  for  information  which  might 
justify  the  conduct  which  has  been  held  towards  her.  You 
were  in  ignorance,  as  also  was  M.  Lapi,  as  to  the  real  proprie- 
tor of  that  small  property.  The  annexed  paper  will  explain 
matters  to  you.  Perhaps  you  have  among  your  accounts 
the  receipt  M.  Lapi  gave  me  of  the  first  sum  confided  to  him 
for  payment  for  Saint  Martin.  Receive,  my  dear  Peyrusse, 
the  assurance  of  my  affectionate  sentiments. 

"  Bertrand." 


"  I,  the  undersigned,  certify  and  attest  that  it  was  in  error 

that  M.  Lapi,  who  acquired,  in  1814,  the  estate  of  Saint 

Martin  and  its  dependencies,  situated  on  the  island  of  Elba, 

declared  that  he  made  the  acquisition  of  that  domain  for  the 

person  of  Napoleon,  and  I  add,  with  all  truth,  that  that 

acquisition  was,  though  without  the  knowledge  of  M.  Lapi, 

really  made  by  him  for  the  sole  and  proper  account  of  the 

Princess  Pauline  Borghese,  with  the  price  of  a  certain  number 

of  diamonds  which  she  had  detached  from  her  person  when 

on   the   journey   from    France    to    Naples    on    the    frigate 

Cuirasseau,^  and  which  her  Highness  placed  in  my  hands 

at  the  time  that  she  was  leaving  the  island  of  Elba,  giving  me 

'  Bertrand  was  mistaken.  Pauline  did  not  make  the  voyage  iu  the 
Curufoa,  Captain  Tower,  but  iu  the  Neapolitan  Lactitia. 


at  the  same  time  the  commission  to  acquire  for  her  a  property 
in  the  island.  I  certify  in  addition  that  M.  Lapi,  when  he 
received  the  sum  required  in  payment  for  the  said  estate, 
a  sum  derived  from  the  price  of  the  diamonds  above  men- 
tioned, gave  an  undertaking  in  writing  to  recognise  as  pur- 
chaser and  proprietor  of  the  said  estate  the  person  whom  I 
should  indicate  to  him,  when  he  should  be  required  to  do  so 
by  me,  and  that,  in  consequence,  the  deed  of  purchase  should 
contain  a  clause  saying  that  M.  Lapi  would  on  a  future 
occasion  make  known  the  name  of  the  new  proprietor  of 
the  estate  of  Saint  Martin. 

"  (copy) 

"  Bertrand."! 

In  support  of  this  declaration  there  is  a  sentence  of  the 
correspondence  :  2  "As  for  Saint  Martin,  the  Emperor  not 
having  decided  whether  the  acquisition  should  be  made  in 
the  name  of  the  Princess  Pauline  or  the  Prince,^ he  will  make 
the  purchase  upon  a  simple  receipt  of  the  sums  advanced, 
which  shall  remain  in  the  hands  of  the  Grand  Marshal." 
Again,  in  "  L'ile  d'Elbe  et  les  Cent  Jours,"  there  is  a  passage 
which  runs*  : — 

"  The  Princess  Pauline  had  bought  vineyards  and  had 
constructed  a  pavilion  or  villa  in  the  Italian  style  three  miles 
from  the  town  and  in  a  charming  situation  ;  she  expected 
to  become  established  there,  but  on  her  arrival  from  taking 
the  waters  at  Naples,  in  September,  her  villa  of  Saint  Martin, 
which  had  cost  her  100,000  ecus,  not  being  completely  fur- 
nished, she  occupied  an  apartment  in  the  Imperial  Pavilion  ; 
the  architects  had  prepared  for  her  several  fine  chambers." 

Angles,  the  Minister  of  Police,  reported  to  Louis  XVIII 
on  the  3rd  February,  1815  :  "  The  Princess  Borghese  gives 
grand  dinners  in  her  country  house  at  San  Martino,  where 

^  Peyrusse,  pp.  2.51-2. 

-  (.'orrespondance,  No.  215G7. 

^  Borghese,  her  liusband. 

*  Correspondauee,  Vol.  iil,  p.  18. 


Bonaparte  often  goes."  ^  It  is  strange  that  the  real  ownership 
of  the  property  should  have  been  known  in  Paris  and  not 
to  Napoleon's  treasurer  Peyrusse,  nor  to  the  Chamberlain 
Lapi  who  conducted  the  purchase,  nor  to  the  purveyor 
Foresi,  who  was  consulted  as  to  its  value. 

In  the  end  the  title  of  the  due  de  Reichstadt,  the  heir  of 
both  Napoleon  and  Pauline,  was  recognised.  At  his  death 
in  1832,  the  estate  went  to  his  mother  Marie  Louise,  Duchess 
of  Parma,  and  on  her  death  in  1846  it  went  as  to  three-fourths 
to  Jerome,  and  as  to  one-fourth  to  the  widow  of  Lucien. 
On  the  death  of  the  latter  in  1851  the  whole  was  bought 
by  Prince  Anatole  Demidoff,  husband  of  Matthilde,  the 
daughter  of  Jerome  and  niece  of  Napoleon.  His  intention 
was  to  keep  the  villa  in  its  then  condition,  reminiscent  of 
Napoleon,  and  to  build  close  by  a  museum  of  Napoleonic 

The  new  building,  which  was  planned  by  the  Florentine 
architect,  Niccolo  Matas,  is  about  two  hundred  feet  long  and 
twenty-three  feet  deep.  The  long  front  is  ornamented  with 
Doric  columns  and  pilasters  of  yellow  granite,  supporting 
a  frieze,  in  the  metopes  of  which  are  alternately  eagles,  bees, 
and  the  letter  "  N."  The  interior  consists  of  a  long  gallery 
supported  by  Doric  columns,  with  a  transverse  gallery  at 
each  end.  The  floor  is  marble.  The  granite  and  marble  are 

Here  Prince  Demidoff  placed  a  very  valuable  collection 
of  Napoleonic  sculptures,  paintings,  and  objects  of  all  kinds. 
Among  the  twenty  pieces  of  sculpture  were  the  statues  of 
Letizia  and  Pauline  by  Canova  and  the  bust  of  Napoleon 
by  Chauvet.  There  were  thirty  pictures,  including  the 
well-known  "  Napoleon  at  Areola  "  by  Gros,  and  "  Napoleon 
Crowned  "  and  "  Madame  Mere,"  both  by  Gerard  ;  also 
pictures  by  Steuben,  of  Napoleon  and  his  son,  and  Marie 
Louise  with  the  child,  and  works  by  Horace  Vernet  and 
Charlet.    Among  the  smaller  objects  were  bronzes,  busts  of 

*  Firmin-Didot,  "  Royaute  ou  Empire,"  p.  246. 


Napoleon  on  foot  and  on  horseback,  vases  of  Sevres  porcelain, 
snuff-boxes,  miniatures,  medals,  prints,  books,  autographs,  a 
lock  of  hair  from  St.  Helena,  etc. 

The  whole  of  this  valuable  collection,  with  the  precious 
relics,  was  sold  by  auction  in  the  Palazzo  San  Donato, 
Florence,  in  1880,  by  Prince  Paul  Demidoff,  the  nephew  and 
heir  of  the  founder.  Prince  Paul  also  disposed  of  the  entire 
estate,  which,  after  changing  hands  several  times,  now  belongs 
to  Prince  Camillo  Ruspoli. 

Napoleon  talked  of  making  the  San  Martino  estate  produce 
much  more  than  it  had  ever  done.  It  should  help  to  supply 
Elba  with  corn.  His  chamberlain  Traditi,  an  experienced 
agriculturist,  was  summoned  one  day  to  San  Martino  to  dis- 
cuss its  possibilities.  Napoleon  spoke  as  an  ignorant  optimist, 
and  Traditi  was  too  polite  to  offer  any  objections  to  his 
dreams,  until  the  Emperor  in  his  enthusiasm  said  that  he 
would  be  able  to  sow  five  hundred  sacks  of  wheat  on  the 
estate.  Traditi,  knowing  that  one  hundred  sacks  was  the 
utmost  limit  of  what  the  property  could  carry,  involuntarily 
exclaimed,  "  O  questa,  si,  che  e  grossa  "  (Well,  that  is  a 
good  one).  The  Emperor  changed  countenance,  and  Traditi 
at  once  realised  his  want  of  manners,  and  began  to  stammer 
an  apology,  whereupon  Napoleon  burst  out  laughing,  and 
attempted  to  console  the  poor  chamberlain,  who  often  after- 
wards was  heard  to  regret  his  cursed  inconvenance. 

Napoleon  received  several  shocks  of  that  kind  at  Elba. 
When  he  enquired  of  a  visitor  from  Piombino  about  the 
administration  of  his  Sister  filise,  asking  what  the  Grand 
Duchess  had  done,  the  reply  was,  "  She  made  love."  After 
an  instant's  surprise,  Napoleon  said  to  him  in  a  severe  tone  : 
"  I  am  sure  you  know  nothing  about  that."^ 

When  Gottmann  had  his  complaints  to  make  he  waylaid 
Napoleon  in  the  road,  and  spoke  in  such  loud,  aggrieved  tones 
that  Bertrand  threatened  to  have  him  arrested,  while  the 
Emperor  spurred  on  his  horse  to  escape  the  insult. - 
1  Pons,  p.  256.  2  PoQs^  p.  2G7. 


Napoleon  failed  to  extort  in  Elba  the  abasement  to  which 
he  had  been  accustomed  in  France.  He  encountered  a  sturdy 
independence  of  spirit  which,  in  unguarded  moments,  would 
develop  into  an  attitude  of  candid  criticism  to  which  no 
monarch  of  that  day,  and  least  of  all  the  monarch  of  monarchs, 
had  ever  been  called  upon  to  submit.  He  was  now  an 
Emperor  in  name  only,  and  the  smallest  of  all  kings.  It  was  a 
galling  situation,  and  one  which  he  could  not  endure  for  long. 

On  one  occasion  at  Rio  a  sergeant,  seeing  the  fat  little  man 
with  one  foot  in  the  stirrup  and  thinking  he  had  some 
difficulty  in  mounting,  seized  him  in  the  most  unceremonious 
manner  it  is  possible  to  imagine  and  hoisted  him,  in  spite 
of  his  struggles  and  protests,  with  main  force  by  a  violent 
leap  into  the  saddle.  "  Never  do  that  again,"  said  Napoleon, 
in  a  severe  tone.  Afterwards  he  thought  his  dignity  would 
best  be  retained  by  construing  the  act  as  the  result  of  too 
much  zeal,  and  he  made  the  sergeant  a  Lieutenant.^  But 
such  experiences  were  among  the  causes  which  led  to  his 
leaving  the  island.  At  St.  Helena  at  least  he  was  spared  such 

Napoleon  found  that  San  Martino,  though  cooler  than 
Portoferraio,  was  shut  in  and  airless  ;  it  was  a  delightful 
spring  and  autumn  residence,  but  in  the  stifling  heat  of 
summer  a  higher  and  more  open  situation  would  be  preferable. 
He  found  what  he  wanted  above  Marciana  Alta,  a  spot  which 
he  had  remarked  when  he  passed  there  on  his  expedition  in 

A  little  above  Marciana  Alta,  at  a  point  some  2500  feet 
above  the  sea,  there  is  a  clump  of  fine  trees  of  the  Spanish 
chestnut.  Here  there  is  a  small  chapel  to  the  Madonna  del 
Monte,  and  a  small  hermitage  of  four  low  rooms  close  by. 
Napoleon  decided  to  take  possession  of  the  hermitage. 

For  a  hot- weather  retreat  the  position  was  excellent. 
It  was  inaccessible  to  the  ordinary  tourist,  who  merely 
wanted  to  stare  at  the  great  man,  "  as  if  I  were  a  wild  beast," 

1  Pons,  p.  285. 





ml-^  :^:  y 



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said  Napoleon.  There  was  shade  and  water  and  privacy. 
The  views  were  magnificent,  across  the  sea  to  Corsica  on  the 
one  side,  houses  at  Bastia  being  plainly  visible,  and  along 
the  coast  of  Tuscany  on  the  other.  A  little  beyond  the 
hermitage  and  chapel  there  are  some  huge  blocks  of  granite, 
upon  one  of  which  the  marks  are  still  visible  of  the  cement 
and  masonry  base  made  for  the  flag  and  semaphore  erected 
by  Napoleon.  The  site  was  admirably  adapted  for  a  signal 
station,  enabling  Napoleon  to  get  into  quick  communication 
with  Portoferraio.  Naturally  enough  the  flattened  piece  of 
rock  is  now  spoken  of  as  the  "  Sedia  di  Napoleone,"  the  seat 
upon  which  Napoleon  is  supposed  to  have  remained  fixed 
for  hours  of  melancholy  contemplation,  gazing  at  the  land 
of  his  birth  just  over  the  water. 

On  the  23rd  August,  the  day  of  his  arrival  at  the  Madone, 
he  wrote  to  Bertrand  as  follows  : — 

"  La  Madone,  23rd  August,  1814. 

"  Monsieur  Count  Bertrand, — I  arrived  at  nine,  it  is 
five,  and  I  am  going  out  shooting.  One  does  not  feel  the  heat 
here,  and  the  climate  is  quite  different  from  that  of  Porto- 
ferraio.   I  find  myself  very  comfortably  established. 

"  I  require  two  shutters  for  the  windows  of  my  bedroom  ; 
the  third  window  is  provided  ;  try  and  send  them  to  me  to- 

"  Send  me  also  two  lanterns  to  put  at  the  door  of  my  tent, 
and  a  beacon.  There  are  here  three  iron  beds  ;  I  am  ordering 
one  to  be  taken  to  Marciana  for  Madame.^  There  are  fifteen 
mattresses  with  blankets  and  sheets  ;  that  is  just  what  is 
necessary.  Madame  can  come  to  Marciana  if  she  wishes  ; 
she  will  be  comfortable.  She  could  leave  on  Thursday  next 
at  five  in  the  morning  ;  my  big  boat  will  leave  to-morrow 
with  the  orderly  officer  Bernotti  to  bring  her.^ 

'  Madame  Mere. 

2  The  route  was  by  land  to  Proccliio,  thence  by  boat  to  Marciana  Marina, 
then  on  horseback  up  the  mountain,  and  finally  in  a  sedan  up  the  steepest 



*'  Send  off  to-morrow  one  of  her  valets,  one  footman,  and 
one  maidservant,  a  cook  and  Cipriani,  to  prepare  her  house 
and  her  dejeuner.  In  the  adjoining  house  Madame  will  have 
one  room  for  herself,  one  for  her  ladies,  one  for  her  women, 
and  one  for  her  valets.  If  the  sieur  Colonna  comes  with 
Madame  he  will  lodge  in  the  town.  It  seemed  to  me  that  in 
the  house  there  were  all  the  necessary  large  pieces  of  furniture. 
There  is  enough  linen  for  us  both. 

"  I  think  there  are  enough  kitchen  things  for  Madame  and 
me  ;  I  am  ordering  them  to  be  taken  down  from  here  ;  there 
are  also  enough  candles  and  candlesticks.  Her  two  valets, 
two  footmen,  one  cook  and  Cipriani  seem  to  me  sufficient  for 
her  establishment.  The  kitchen  can  be  established  in  the 
same  house. 

"  Send  three  curtains  for  the  chamber  of  Madame,  the 
rods  are  there  already.  Send  us  also  fire-irons,  tongs,  shovels, 
etc.  I  think  it  is  true,  as  we  have  been  told,  that  we  must 
have  fires  here  in  the  evening."^ 

On  the  26th  he  wrote  to  Bertrand  describing  Marciana  as 
"  unique  in  the  island  for  fresh  air  and  for  water." 

When  Madame  Mere  arrived  she  went  to  the  house  in  the 
village  of  Marciana  Alta,  which  had  been  prepared  for  her. 
Thence  she  walked,  or  was  carried  in  a  sedan,  up  the  rough 
path  to  the  Madone,  and  took  her  dejeuner  with  Napoleon 
under  his  tent.  They  were  in  a  Corsican  landscape  of  gloomy 
rocks,  with  occasional  clumps  of  chestnut  trees,  and  in 
places  covered  by  the  variety  of  shrubs  so  famous  as  the 
impenetrable  Corsican  maquis,  the  natural  lurking-place  for 
brigands  and  vendetta  murderers.  Around  them  were  broom, 
heather,  and  bracken,  with  juniper  and  other  aromatic  shrubs. 

Soon  after  Napoleon's  arrival  at  the  Madone,  on  the  1st 
September,  a  vessel  entered  the  Bay  of  Portoferraio,  and 
instead  of  making  for  the  inner  harbour  and  quay,  dis- 
embarked its  passengers  at  the  extremity  of  the  bay.  They 
^  Correspondance,  No.  21615. 


were  expected  ;  the  ship  had  been  observed  approaching. 
Bertrand  was  on  the  spot  with  the  Emperor's  carriage  and 
four,  and  six  saddle  horses,  one  of  them  having  a  lady's 
saddle.  The  passengers  did  not  leave  the  ship  till  after  dark, 
and  Bertrand  remained  uncovered  in  the  jDresence  of  one  of 
them,  a  lady,  who  had  with  her  a  little  boy  aged  four. 

She  was  the  Countess  Walewska,  and  her  child  was  the 
son  of  Napoleon.  Her  brother  and  a  sister  were  also  there. 
The  party  drove  off  in  the  dark,  and  when  they  had  gone  some 
way  were  joined  by  Napoleon,  who  had  ridden  down  from  the 
Madone  to  meet  them  ;  he  entered  the  four-horse  carriage. 
Further  on  they  all  had  to  ride,  the  Countess  making  use  of 
the  saddle  which  Vincent  the  groom  had  brought  from 
Leghorn,  ostensibly  for  the  use  of  Marie  Louise.  So  they 
mounted  the  steep  path,  each  horse  being  led,  and  they 
were  accompanied  by  men  carrying  torches,  until  the  modest 
four-roomed  hermitage  was  reached. 

Napoleon  first  met  the  Countess  Walewska  on  the  1st 
January,  1807,  when  his  carriage  stopped  to  change  horses 
at  the  little  village  of  Bronie,  near  Warsaw.^  Among  the 
crowd  that  had  gathered  to  welcome  the  liberator  of  Poland 
there  were  two  ladies,  who  became  hemmed  in  by  the  numbers 
pressing  on  all  sides.  One  of  them  contrived  to  attract  the 
attention  of  Duroc,  and  begged  him  to  extricate  them,  and 
also  to  place  them  where  they  could  see  the  Emperor.  Duroc 
took  the  ladies  straight  to  Napoleon's  carriage,  and  introduced 
them  as  desirous  of  expressing  their  homage.  Napoleon 
received  them  graciously.  The  Countess  Walewska  thanked 
him  warmly  for  what  he  was  doing  on  behalf  of  Poland. 
Napoleon  said  he  hoped  to  see  her  again,  and  the  carriage 
drove  off. 

Marie  Walewska,  nee  Laczinska,  was  then  aged  twenty 

years.    She  was  very  pretty,  a  blonde,  with  blue  eyes  and  a  fair 

skin,  the  figure  small,  but  well  made.    She  was  the  wife  of  an 

old  man  some  seventy  years  of  age  who  had  already  survived 

1  Massooj  F.,  ''Marie  Walewska,  maitresse  de  Napoleon  I," 

180  NAPOLEON   IN   EXILE  :    ELBA 

two  wives  and  was  the  father  of  several  children,  of  whom 
the  eldest  was  nine  years  older  than  his  present  wife.  But 
he  was  rich,  and  belonged  to  one  of  the  most  illustrious 
families  of  Poland,  and  the  match  had  easily  been  arranged. 

Napoleon  met  Madame  Walewska  again  at  a  grand  ball 
at  Warsaw,  and  took  much  notice  of  her.  He  wrote  her 
several  ardent  letters,  to  which  at  first  he  obtained  no  answer, 
until  he  concluded  one  of  them  with  the  words :  "  All  your 
wishes  shall  be  fulfilled.  Your  country  will  be  dearer  to  me 
when  you  have  had  pity  on  my  poor  heart. — N."  Still  she 
hesitated,  but  finally  gave  herself  to  him  under  a  promise 
that  the  sacrifice  would  be  for  the  advantage  of  Poland. 
Henceforth,  though  disillusioned  as  to  the  promises  for 
Poland,  Madame  Walewska  was  seldom  far  away  from 
Napoleon,  and  finally,  three  years  after  the  liaison  began,  on 
the  4th  of  May,  1810,  she  gave  him  a  son,  the  little  boy 
she  had  with  her  at  Elba. 

From  that  time  till  the  fall  of  the  Empire  she  was  in  Paris, 
where  she  had  a  comfortable  hotel,  and  all  the  advantages 
to  be  derived  from  her  situation  as  the  mistress  of  the 
greatest  man  in  the  world.  Napoleon  was  interested  in  his 
son.  In  the  midst  of  his  strenuous  exertions  during  the 
campaign  of  1814,  he  wrote  to  La  Bouillerie,  the  treasurer,  in 
his  own  hand  :  "I  have  received  your  letter  with  regard  to 
the  young  Walewski.  I  give  you  a  free  hand.  Do  what  is 
suitable,  and  do  it  at  once.  What  interests  me  chiefly  is 
the  child,  and  afterwards  the  mother."  He  wished  to  make 
sure  while  he  could  that  the  boy  would  be  provided  for. 

Napoleon  was  thirty-seven  years  of  age  when  he  saw  the 
Countess  Walewska.  There  had  been  a  touch  of  romance 
in  their  meeting,  and  he  was  always  attracted  to  her.  She  on 
her  part,  being  still  in  her  early  youth,  was  at  one  time  very 
much  in  love  with  him,  completely  under  his  influence, 
obsessed  and  overcome  by  his  presence.  "  My  thoughts,  my 
inspirations,  come  from  him  and  return  to  him,"  she  said. 
"  He  is  my  happiness,  my  future,  my  life."    She  gave  him  a 


gold  locket  with  a  secret  opening,  in  which  was  a  coil  of  her 
hair,  and  engraved  upon  it  the  words  :  "  Quand  tu  cesseras 
de  m'aimer,  n'oublie  pas  que  je  t'aime  "  (When  you  have 
ceased  to  love  me  do  not  forget  that  I  love  you  still). 

She  went  to  Fontainebleau  after  the  abdication  to  see 
Napoleon,  and  remained  waiting  half  the  night  outside  his 
room.  Twice  he  was  reminded  of  her  presence,  but  he  gave 
no  sign,  and  she  had  to  depart  without  a  message  or  acknow- 
ledgment of  any  kind. 

Murat  was  under  obligations  to  hand  over  to  her,  as 
guardian  to  her  son,  certain  estates  in  the  kingdom  of  Naples, 
but  had  neglected  to  do  so.  The  Countess  travelled  to  Italy 
to  obtain  her  due,  and  from  Florence  wrote  to  Napoleon  on 
the  matter.  On  the  27th  of  July  he  instructed  Bertrand  to 
reply  as  follows  :  "  You  will  address  to  Florence  to  the  ad- 
dress that  Cipriani  will  give  you,  a  letter  to  the  Countess 
Walewska  ;  you  will  tell  her  that  we  have  learned  with 
pleasure  of  her  arrival  at  Genoa  and  at  Florence  ;  that  she 
should  send  news  of  herself  and  of  her  son  by  the  medium 
of  the  person  whom  you  will  designate  at  Leghorn.  She  can 
send  her  letter  addressed  to  you."^ 

On  receipt  of  the  letter  from  Bertrand,  the  Countess's 
brother.  Count  Laczinski,  went  to  Elba  on  her  behalf,  and 
took  back  with  him  on  the  9th  of  August  Napoleon's  per- 
mission to  make  the  voyage.  It  was  to  give  an  air  of  mystery 
to  the  meeting  and  to  avoid  shocking  the  Elbans,  that 
Napoleon  went  up  to  Marciana  Alta  and  received  his  mistress 
there.  He  went  there  a  few  days  before  her  arrival,  and  left 
a  few  days  after  her  departure.  It  has  been  supposed  that 
the  secrecy  with  which  the  meeting  was  conducted  had  for 
ils  object  to  keep  the  affair  from  the  ears  of  his  wife  ;  but 
Marie  Louise  had  always  known  of  the  intrigue,  and  it  was 
certain  that  she  would  hear  of  its  renewal,  whatever  pre- 
cautions were  taken.  The  Emperor  considered  that,  while 
he  was  entitled  to  have  a  mistress  if  he  pleased,  and  his 
■  llegistrej  No.  o8. 


doing  so  could  not  be  kept  secret  in  Court  circles,  it  was 
essential  that  the  affair  should  be,  in  theory,  private,  that 
nothing  should  be  done  to  give  it  unnecessary  publicity. 

The  result  was  that  the  Elbans  believed  then,  and  long 
afterwards,  that  the  Emperor  had  been  visited  by  Marie 
Louise.  On  hearing  this  Napoleon  remarked  :  "  Imbeciles. 
If  it  had  been  the  Empress  I  would  not  have  received  her  with 
so  little  decorum.  I  would  have  had  her  given  the  honours 
which  are  her  due."^ 

At  the  same  time  Napoleon  may  not  have  been  altogether 
displeased  at  the  rumour.  It  was  of  advantage  to  him,  as 
well  as  a  consolation  to  his  pride,  that  it  should  be  supposed 
that  the  daughter  of  the  Emperor  of  Austria  was  still  a 
member  of  his  household,  though  temporarily  absent  until 
the  politics  of  Europe  had  been  finally  settled.  If  she  had 
indeed  been  with  him  at  Elba  he  might  have  contented  him- 
self with  the  position  of  a  titular  Emperor,  husband  of  an 
Empress,  and  son-in-law  of  an  Emperor.  Vanity  at  least 
would  have  been  soothed  and,  possibly,  ambition  quieted. 

The  Countess  Walewska  was  therefore  kept  indoors,  in  the 
four-roomed  cottage,  during  the  whole  of  her  visit,  and  she 
left  as  she  had  come,  at  night.  Napoleon  escorted  her  and  her 
sister  part  of  the  way  down  the  hill.  She  was  met  at  Marciana 
Marina  by  her  brother,  with  a  ship,  but  the  sea  was  too  rough 
for  embarkation  there,  and  the  party  of  four  had  to  cross 
the  mountains,  in  the  darkness  and  a  howling  wind,  to  Porto 
Longone.  It  must  have  been  a  terrible  journey.  Napoleon 
was  so  alarmed  by  the  gale  that  he  sent  down  an  orderly 
to  Marciana  Marina  to  counter-order  the  departure,  but  he 
arrived  too  late.  At  Porto  Longone  it  was  possible  to  reach 
the  ship,  and  the  Countess  insisted  on  immediate  departure 
in  spite  of  the  protests  of  all  the  local  authorities,  who 
declared  the  venture  too  perilous.  When  one  remembers 
what  a  burrasca  means  in  those  parts,  the  determination 
of  the  Countess  to  risk  the  storm  gives  evidence  of  unusual 
'  Livi,  "Napoleone  all'  isola  d'  Elba,"  p.  101. 


courage,  and  complete  submission  to  the  will  of  Napoleon. 
She  carried  with  her  further  orders  from  Napoleon  to  Murat 
to  restore  to  her  son  the  estates  Napoleon  had  intended  for 
him  ;  and  Murat  finally  complied. ^ 

In  1815  Madame  Walewska  was  one  of  the  first  to  hurry 
to  Paris  to  salute  the  Emperor,  and  she  was  well  received. 
After  Waterloo  she  went  to  Malmaison  to  see  him  for  the 
last  time.  Financial  considerations  may  again  have  had 
their  influence  upon  her,  and  the  ardour  of  her  devotion 
may  have  waned,  but  there  was  still  on  both  sides  some  feeling 
of  romance  in  their  relations.  But  when  Napoleon  had  finally 
left  Europe,  her  husband  being  dead,  the  Countess  married, 
in  1816,  a  cousin  of  the  Emperor's,  General  Ornano.  Napoleon 
at  St.  Helena  was  much  distressed  when  he  received  the  news. 
He  had  hoped  that  the  Polish  lady,  who  had  come  closer 
to  his  heart  than  any  woman  since  the  early  years  of  his 
delirium  for  Josephine,  would  have  remained  true  to  him. 
But  even  she  had  given  up  the  St.  Helena  captive  as  a  being 
practically  dead.  In  the  instructions  to  his  testamentary 
executors,  dictated  on  the  24th  April,  1821,  Napoleon  said  : 
"  I  desire  that  Alexandre  Walewski  shall  be  reared  in  the 
service  of  France  in  the  army."  This  son  of  Napoleon  became 
the  well-known  statesman  of  the  Second  Empire. 

'  Masson,  "  Napoleon  et  sa  famille,"  Vol.  X,  p.  355. 



NAPOLEON  had  now   an   official   residence   at  his 
capital,  a  country  house,  and  a  summer  retreat. 
He  thought   it  necessary  to  have  residences  also 
at  Porto  Longone,  the  second  town  in  the  island, 
and  at  Rio,  the  headquarters  of  the  mining  district. 

After  the  departure  of  the  Countess  Walewska,  he  left 
the  Madone  and  went  to  Porto  Longone,  where  rooms  were 
made  ready  in  the  citadel.  He  ordered  certain  repairs  and 
alterations,  which  ultimately  cost  £334  ;  and  of  these  apart- 
ments he  placed  the  Mayor  of  Porto  Longone  in  charge, 
under  the  style  of  "  Commander  of  the  Palace  of  Porto 
Longone."  He  was  also  to  exercise  the  functions  of  hall 
porter,  keeper  of  the  wardrobe,  and  superintendent  of  the 
gardens,  combining  these  parts  for  a  salary  of  £24  a  year. 
There  was  to  be  a  caretaker  at  a  salary  of  £8  a  year,  and  a 

Napoleon  brought  his  iron  beds  from  Madone,  but  there 
was  a  deficiency  of  other  furniture.    He  wrote  to  Bertrand  : — 

"  Porto  Longone,  6th  September,  1814. 
"  Monsieur  Count  Bertrand, — We  are  in  need  of 
ordinary  chairs  for  all  our  establishments  ;  you  must  decide 
upon  a  model  for  the  chairs  to  cost  five  francs  each,  and  a 
model  for  the  arm-chairs  and  sofas  at  a  price  in  proportion, 
and  buy  them  at  Pisa,  to  the  amount  of  1000  francs.  Choose 
the  most  suitable  models  from  those  they  make  at  Pisa."^ 

'  Correspondanre,  No.  21(530. 

2       a 

0      u 


The  chairs  and  sofas  were  to  be  common  and  cheap,  costing 
no  more  than  £40  altogether. 

For  his  fifth  and  last  palace  Napoleon  took,  without  pay- 
ment, the  home  of  the  Administrator  of  the  mines  at  Rio 
Marina.  Pons  writes  :  "  The  Emperor  authorised  me  to 
prolong  my  residence  in  the  Imperial  Palace  "  (his  own 
house),  "  but  the  masons  were  at  work  upon  the  apartments, 
and  I  could  not  get  my  family  to  sleep  amongst  the  debris." 
Most  of  the  visitors  who  were  received  at  Portoferraio  by 
Napoleon,  or  by  Bertrand,  were  sent  on  to  Rio  with  intro- 
ductions to  be  shown  the  mines.  Pons  had  a  special  allow- 
ance for  their  entertainment.  The  small  house  into  which 
he  had  now  to  move  was  not  suitable  for  the  reception  of 
guests  while  the  Pons  family  was  in  residence.  A  part}^  of  dis- 
tinguished English  visitors  arrived  one  day,  under  the  escort 
of  the  Grand  Marshal  himself,  sent  by  Napoleon.  Bertrand 
found  that  there  was  not  proper  accommodation  for  them 
in  the  small  house,  which  they  had  to  share  with  the  Pons 
family.  He  reported  this  to  Napoleon,  who  thereupon 
authorised  Pons  to  return  to  his  old  house  which  the  workmen 
had  now  left,  and  to  reside  there  permanently  during  the 
absence  of  the  Emperor.  The  small  house  could  be  used 
for  the  reception  of  visitors,  and  the  administrator  would 
return  to  it  whenever  the  Emperor  was  in  residence  at  his 
Rio  palace. 

In  a  north-east  wind  there  was  no  shelter  for  ships  at  Rio 
Marina  ;  anchors  had  to  be  raised  and  a  refuge  sought  at 
Porto  Longone.  The  wind  would  continue  in  the  same 
quarter  for  days,  when  communication  with  the  Continent 
being  impracticable,  the  mining  industry  became  dis- 
organised. Before  Napoleon's  arrival  a  project  for  the 
creation  of  a  harbour  had  been  considered,  but  abandoned. 
Napoleon  was  attracted  by  the  problem.  He  went  on  the 
water  in  a  row-boat  and  stood  up  to  make  the  soundings 
with  a  long  pole  and,  in  the  deeper  water,  with  rope  and 
plummet.     The   day   was   cold    and    he   sprinkled    himself 


plentifully  with  water,  and  as  he  was  no  longer  very  firm  on 
his  legs  the  oscillations  of  the  boat  upset  his  balance,  much 
to  the  alarm  of  his  attendants,  who  were  relieved  when  at 
last  he  landed  and  went  off  on  horseback,  cold  and  wet  as 
he  was,  for  Longone. 

Installed  in  his  Longone  palace,  he  drew  up  a  complete 
plan  for  the  new  harbour  at  Rio.  He  would  make  a  strong 
mole  of  stone,  and  a  jetty  of  pontoons  stretching  to  a  rock, 
with  a  prolongation  beyond  it,  and  he  marked  the  sites  he  had 
selected  for  the  sanitary  and  other  offices.  He  also  went  care- 
fully into  a  project,  which  others  had  examined  before  him,  for 
making  blast  furnaces  to  treat  the  ore  as  it  was  obtained  from 
the  mine,  and  so  save  the  freightage  for  the  crude  ore,  and 
retain  the  profit  from  the  process  of  manufacture.  It  was 
proposed  to  dam  a  stream  above  Rio  and  thus  obtain  Avater 
power.  Nothing  came  of  these  plans,  either  for  the  harbour 
or  for  the  furnaces. 

There  was  a  small  rock  or  islet  named  Palmajola,  lying 
about  four  miles  from  Rio  Marina,  in  the  dangerous  waters 
between  Piombino  and  Elba.  Upon  it  a  tower  had  been 
erected  for  defence  against  pirates.  Napoleon  went  in  his 
boat  to  examine  it,  and  finding  it  still  serviceable,  gave  orders 
for  the  necessary  repairs,  for  two  guns  to  be  mounted,  and  for 
a  small  barrack  to  be  erected.  This  work  he  actually  carried 
out,  and  thus  obtained  a  small  but  important  sea  fort, 
similar  to  the  Scola  fort  off  Pianosa. 

The  forts  at  Portoferraio  were  also  repaired,  and  a  con- 
siderable number  of  additional  guns  were  brought,  with  other 
military  stores,  from  the  citadel  of  Porto  Longone.  The 
main  points  were  thus  made  secure.  Portoferraio,  defended 
by  well-armed  and  well-placed  forts,  was  very  strong,  both 
on  the  land  and  the  sea  side,  quite  capable  of  beating  off 
a  considerable  besieging  force  in  both  directions. 

The  small  Palmajola  fort  would  make  the  Piombino 
channel  more  than  usually  unpleasant  for  an  enemy,  and, 
moreover,  it  might  in  the  last  resort  prevent  interference 


with  an  escape  to  Tuscany.  Pianosa,  when  tlie  fortifications 
were  completed,  with  its  little  seaport  of  Scola  was  another 
obstacle  to  an  enemy,  and  also  a  possible  refuge.  Campbell 
was  much  disturbed  at  Napoleon's  fortifying  Palmajola, 
Scola,  and  Pianosa,  and  certainly  these  works,  besides 
increasing  Napoleon's  powers  of  defence,  also  provided 
opportunities  for  secret  communications  and  escape. 

Napoleon  also  enlarged  the  Land  Gate  at  Portoferraio. 
Until  that  was  done  the  opening  was  only  large  enough  for 
pack-horses,  and  when  he  wished  to  drive  in  his  carriage 
from  the  Mulini  Palace  into  the  country  he  had  to  make  a 
long  round  to  the  Water  Gate,  and  thence  along  the  quay 
in  order  to  emerge  from  the  town. 

In  1810  a  road  had  been  commenced  to  connect  Porto- 
ferraio with  Longone.  Napoleon  made  plans  for  finishing  it, 
and  extending  it  to  Rio.  He  also  ordered  surveys  to  be  made 
for  a  road  to  Procchio,  Marciana,  and  Campo. 

But  his  first  concern  was  to  provide  communications  for 
his  carriage  from  his  Mulini  palace  to  the  San  Martino  house. 
Upon  this  road  he  employed  a  dozen  soldiers  of  his  Guard.  ^ 
When  the  most  important  section  had  been  made  fit  for  his 
carriage  he  ordered  it  to  be  enlarged,  that  he  might  be  able  to 
drive  along  it  at  night  without  danger,  and  that  two  carriages 
should  be  able  to  pass  each  other  in  any  part.  For  this  pur- 
pose :  "  As  this  road  is  the  most  necessary  one  for  me,  I 
should  not  be  indisposed  to  take  for  it  the  4150  francs  which 
have  not  been  spent  on  the  road  to  Procchio." - 

On  the  road  to  Longone  some  work  was  done.  "As  it  is 
possible,"  he  wrote  to  Bertrand,  "  that  I  may  go  on  Wed- 
nesday or  Thursday  to  Porto  Longone,  I  desire  that  my 
carriages  may  pass  easily  and  without  risk."  Of  the  Campo 
road  he  said,  in  the  same  letter  :  "  I  desire  that  my  carriages 
may  be  able  to  pass  in  about  a  fortnight."    And  with  regard 

'  Letters  to  Bertraud,  3rd  July  and  25th  December,  1814;  Regit^trc, 
Nos.  16,  148. 

-  Letter  to  Bertrand,  3rd  November,  1814  ;  Kegistre,  No.  123. 


to  the  streets :  "  I  desire  that  the  streets  of  the  town  should 
be  cleared  of  all  rubbish  with  which  they  are  encumbered. 
The  architect  will  be  charged  with  that.  He  will  obtain  a 
contract  for  the  reparation  of  the  pavement  of  the  streets, 
the  removal  of  the  rubbish,  the  chipping  of  all  the  pavements, 
so  that  the  streets  through  which  I  pass  on  my  way  either  to 
the  Land  Gate  or  the  Sea  Gate,  to  the  church  or  to  the  town 
hall,  shall  not  be  slippery,  and  that  there  may  be  no  danger." 
Again  :  "  The  road  must  be  paved  as  far  as  the  windmill, 
as  it  is  the  principal  approach  to  my  house." 

He  made  it  quite  plain  that  all  these  improvements  were 
for  his  own  safety  and  comfort.  Lie  would  pay  only  half  the 
cost,  the  municipalities  contributing  the  other  half.  "  The 
expenses  of  the  route  of  Porto  Longone  will  be  liquidated 
and  reduced  to  a  reasonable  sum,  and  I  will  take  the  half." 
..."  Give  orders  that  the  road  from  Procchio  to  Marciana 
shall  go  by  Poggio.  I  will  take  half  the  expense  and  the 
communes  of  Marciana  and  Poggio  will  take  the  other  half." 
"  Give  orders  that  work  is  also  to  be  done  on  the  road  from 
Porto  Longone  to  Rio.  I  will  take  half  the  expense  and  the 
communes  the  other  half."^ 

As  the  communes  were  unwilling  to  contribute  anything 
either  in  labour  or  money.  Napoleon  issued  peremptory 
commands.  "  Give  orders  that  the  half  of  the  funds  which 
lie  in  the  municipal  treasury  of  Marciana  shall  be  allotted  to 
the  construction  of  the  Marciana  road,  and  that  something 
is  given  to  the  poorest  of  the  men  who  comprise  the  corvee."^ 

The  order  appears  not  to  have  been  carried  out,  or  to  have 
produced  very  minute  results.  "  As  for  the  100  francs 
advanced  by  the  commune  of  Marciana  there  can  be  no 
question  of  returning  them,"  he  wrote  later  to  Bertrand.^ 
The  Elbans  concluded  that  as  Napoleon  wanted  the  road  for 
his  own  use,  he  might  be  left  to  bear  the  expense.    They  were 

1  C'orrespondance,  Nos.  21570,  215G7,  21582. 

'^  Letter  to  Bertraiul,  J  Itli  July,  1814  ;  Rep:istre,  No.  18. 

^  Letter  to  Bertrand,  2nd  October,  1814  ;  llegistre.  No.  86. 


not  asking  for  improved  means  of  transit.  Napoleon  there- 
upon pointed  out  in  a  letter  to  Bertrand  that  the  Marciana 
road  would  be  "  very  advantageous  to  the  two  villages  for 
their  communications."  But  this  argument  failed,  and  much 
discontent  was  aroused. 

Campbell  writes,  5th  June  :  "  Napoleon  continues  in  the 
same  state  of  perpetual  movement,  busy  with  constant 
schemes,  none  of  which,  however,  tend  to  ameliorate  the 
condition  of  his  subjects.  He  has  ordered  several  pieces  of 
road  to  be  improved  for  the  conveyance  of  his  carriage,  with- 
out any  other  object,  and  new  ones  to  be  executed,  and  appro- 
priating no  funds  for  the  payment  of  the  peasants  who  have 
been  hastily  assembled  on  the  requisition  of  the  mayors.  He 
has  even  employed  his  own  Guards,  who  came  from  France, 
on  fatigue  duties,  such  as  destroying  houses  for  the  improve- 
ment of  his  own  residence,  and  working  upon  the  pavements 
of  the  streets.  This  has  given  great  disgust."  "  Napoleon 
appears  to  become  more  unpopular  on  the  island  every  day, 
for  every  act  seems  guided  by  avarice  and  a  feeling  of  personal 
interest,  with  a  total  disregard  to  that  of  others.  The 
inhabitants  perceive  that  none  of  his  schemes  tend  to 
ameliorate  their  situation.  The  cries  of  '  T^ive  VEmpereur  ! ' 
are  no  longer  heard." ^  That  was  written  within  a  month  of 
Napoleon's  arrival,  and  the  relations  between  the  new 
monarch  and  his  subjects  did  not  improve  with  time. 

Portoferraio,  though  a  strong  fortress,  was  insufficiently 
supplied  with  water,  and  Napoleon  spent  some  money  in 
endeavouring  to  obtain  water  from  the  mountains,  but  the 
works  were  stopped  by  his  order  in  January,  1815.  There 
were  two  cisterns  for  the  garrison  of  the  fitoile  fort.  Napoleon 
gave  orders  that  one  of  them  was  to  be  at  the  disposal  of  the 
inhabitants  at  a  fixed  hour,  twice  a  day.^  The  other  he  took 
for  himself  entirely.  "  The  water  can  easily  be  brought  into 
my  garden,  and  I  reserve  it  for  my  own  use."^    He  made  some 

1  Campbell,  p.  248.  2  Registre,  No.  83. 

^  Correspondance,  No.  215G7. 


important  sanitary  regulations  for  Portoferraio  which  were 
to  be  enforced  by  fines. ^ 

Regarding  Elba  as  a  fortress,  the  next  consideration  was 
the  victualling  of  the  island.  In  an  ordinary  season  Elba 
produced  grain  sufficient  for  two  months  only.  If  Pianosa 
were  properly  cultivated  a  supply  for  five  months  more  would 
be  obtained,  leaving  five  months  still  unprovided  for. 

There  is  a  piece  of  flat  land  on  the  south  of  the  island, 
known  as  the  plain  of  Acona,  which  in  the  time  of  Napoleon 
was  marshy,  but  when  properly  drained  would  have  been 
suitable  for  the  cultivation  of  wheat.  Napoleon  talked  of 
sending  to  Lucca  for  the  labourers,  the  Elbans,  like  the 
Corsicans,  being  too  proud  and  too  lazy  to  do  ordinary  field 
work.  With  Lucchese  he  calculated  that  Acona  could  be 
made  to  produce  grain  to  last  two  months.  For  the  remaining 
three  months  grain  would  have  to  be  imported.  The  chief 
agricultural  export  from  Elba  was  wine.  Napoleon  ordered 
an  account  to  be  prepared  showing  the  amount  of  wine 
exported  in  each  year  for  the  previous  ten  years.  This  was 
done,  though  the  figures  could  hardly  have  been  correct, 
as  there  were  no  reliable  statistics  available.  They  showed 
that  the  wine  exported  could  be  exchanged  for  grain  sufficient 
to  last  three  months. 

In  these  various  ways  the  island  could  have  been  provided 
with  grain  for  the  whole  year.  But  nothing  was  done  either 
at  Pianosa  or  Acona.  Napoleon  had  enjoyed  making  the 
calculations  ;  he  spoke  of  them  to  Pons  as  "  this  satisfaction 
of  my  heart."  2  Having  obtained  his  satisfaction  there  was 
no  need  for  anything  further.  Perhaps  he  remembered  that 
his  father  had  wasted  a  large  amount  of  money,  far  more 
than  he  could  afford,  in  draining  certain  salt  marshes  near 
Ajaccio.  When  Napoleon  wanted  to  victual  Portoferraio 
against  a  possible  siege,  he  imported   the  necessary  grain. 

Napoleon  tried  to  induce  the  Elbans  to  grow  potatoes, 
as  yet  almost  unknown  on  the  island,  and  he  went  among 

1  Correspondance,  No.  21 507  ;  Registre,  No.  11.     '^  Pons,  pp.  297,  310. 


the  small  proprietors,  urging  them  to  cultivate  cauliflowers, 
onions,  and  other  vegetables.  Pons  writes  :  "I  have  heard 
the  Emperor  teaching  my  gardener  how  to  produce  a  constant 
succession  of  good  radishes,  and  good  salad.  When  and  how 
could  the  Emperor  have  learned  that?"^  Napoleon  may 
have  understood  both  French  and  Italian  vegetable  raising. 
French  gentlemen  have  always  taken  an  interest  in  the  subject, 
and  Napoleon's  father  was  a  pioneer  who  imported  French 
seeds  into  Ajaccio  for  raising  new  kinds  of  vegetables  then 
unknown  in  Corsica.  There  is  a  list  of  them  in  Carlo  di 
Buonaparte's  account-book,  ^  with  the  dates  for  sowing. 

Napoleon,  like  his  father,  was  a  believer  in  the  value  of 
the  mulberry.  He  imported  a  large  number  of  mulberry 
trees  at  his  own  expense.  The  cost  of  planting  he  placed 
upon  the  municipality.  He  pointed  out  that  as  the  trees 
were  to  be  planted  in  the  streets,  the  town  would  obtain  a 
revenue  from  the  sale  of  the  leaves,  and  so  should  bear  part 
of  the  initial  expense.  Other  plantations  were  to  be  made 
along  the  roads,  first,  of  course,  on  the  San  Martino  semi- 
private  road.    A  few  of  these  trees  have  survived  to  this  day. 

Napoleon's  father  planted  many  mulberries  in  a  nursery 
near  Ajaccio,  under  the  encouragement  of  Louis  XVI. 
Napoleon,  as  a  young  Lieutenant,  wrote  out  petitions 
demanding,  on  behalf  of  his  widowed  mother,  certain  moneys 
which  his  mathematics  enabled  him  to  calculate  were  still 
due  from  the  King.  The  encouragement  the  Emperor  gave 
to  the  silk  industry  of  Lyons,  and  the  hold  he  thereby 
obtained  upon  the  affections  of  that  great  city,  were  thus 
connected  with  his  father's  mulberry  plantation. 

Napoleon  imported  from  Corsica  a  quantity  of  cuttings 
of  the  olive,  and  also  a  number  of  young  chestnut  plants. 
The  olives  were  to  be  planted  in  the  warm  valleys  and  upon 
the  lower  slopes  of  the  mountains,  and  especially  among  the 
vines,  to  displace  the  figs,  which  throw  too  much  shade  and 
thus  prevent  the  grapes  from  ripening  properly.  The  Elbans 
1  Pons,  p.  291.  2  i,j  tijg  possession  of  the  Earl  of  Crawford. 


were  hard  to  convince,  declaring  that  the  cHmate  was  not 
suited  to  ohves,  their  real  complaint  being  that  the  olive 
takes  longer  than  the  fig  to  become  profitable.  Napoleon 
argued  the  matter  out  with  the  cultivators  in  their  fields, 
and  was  delighted  when  he  had  made  a  convert  who  would 
be  willing  to  plant  olives  if  given  them  for  nothing.  The 
chestnuts  were  for  the  upper  parts  of  the  mountains 
and  the  northern  slopes.  Napoleon  also  had  great  schemes 
for  covering  the  mountains  with  pines  from  the  Black  Forest. 
He  spoke  of  planting  the  oak  and  acacia  close  together,  the 
quick-growing  tree  to  be  cut  down  when  the  slow  oak  had 
begun  to  require  more  space  ;  but  nothing  came  of  these 

Napoleon  talked  of  making  Elba  a  world  centre  of  art  and 
science,  and  proposed  to  return  to  the  name  Cosmopoli, 
given  originally  to  Portoferraio  in  commemoration  of  Cosimo 
de  Medici.  It  was  a  fine  idea  and  one  which  he  could  have 
carried  out.  He  might  have  made  his  little  kingdom  a  home 
for  all  peaceful  arts,  exchanging  the  part  of  Caesar  for  that 
of  Maecenas.  He  talked  of  establishing  a  factory  or  school 
for  the  exploitation  of  the  valuable  Elba  marbles.  He  sent 
for  a  sculptor  from  Carrara  to  be  placed  at  the  head  of  the 
establishment.  When  he  arrived,  Bargigli  by  name.  Napoleon 
at  once  impressed  him  as  architect  at  San  Martino.  The 
Elban  marble  was  handed  over  to  his  assistants.  Napoleon 
bought  some  of  their  work  and  recommended  it  to  others. 
There  ended  his  scheme. 

He  did  not  desire  that  the  Elbans  should  learn 
French.  He  dismissed  the  teacher  of  French  in  the  public 
schools  and  appointed  in  his  place  a  professor  of  drawing  and 
the  fine  arts.  Bartolini,  the  sculptor,  of  Florence,  was 
nominated,  but  the  salary  of  1200  francs  (£48)  was  not  a 
sufficient  inducement,  and  he  declined  the  post.  No  other 
person  being  appointed,  the  schoolchildren  were  taught 
neither  French  nor  drawing,  and  Napoleon  saved  the  money.  ^ 

1  Letter  to  Bertrand,  18th  July,  1814.     Registre,  No.  26.     Pons,  p.  144. 

00       K 
1      S 

fa      "o 

O      " 

O  = 

<      ^ 

O      6 


Nearly  the  whole  of  his  expenditure  on  improve- 
ments was  directed  to  works  designed  for  his  own  comfort 
and  safety.  From  some  of  it  the  Elbans  also  would  derive 
benefit,  from  the  paving  of  the  streets,  the  new  roads,  the 
improved  water  supply,  the  planting  of  trees.  But  his  first 
concern  always  was  for  his  own  advantage.  He  regarded 
Elba  as  a  fortress  in  which  he  could  find  shelter,  and  an 
estate  from  which  he  could  derive  enjoyment.  So  he  prepared 
for  himself  five  residences  in  different  parts,  made  roads  for 
the  passage  of  his  carriage  from  one  house  to  another, 
and  strengthened  the  fortifications  of  Portoferraio,  Pianosa, 
and  Palmajola.  The  water  was  primarily  for  his  garrison, 
the  roads  were  personal  or  strategic. 

In  care  and  consideration  for  those  under  his  charge 
Napoleon  was  not  up  to  the  standard  of  his  time,  for  even 
his  contemporaries,  and  the  ignorant  Elbans  themselves, 
were  struck  by  the  purely  selfish  nature  of  his  undertakings. 
We  are  not  entitled  to  assume  that  if  he  had  remained  longer 
at  Elba,  and  had  been  free  from  all  pecuniary  uncertainties, 
there  would  have  been  any  substantial  change  in  the  prin- 
ciples by  which  he  was  governed.  He  would  have  continued 
as  he  had  begun.  He  would  have  built  bigger  palaces,  and 
would  for  ever  have  been  repairing  and  changing  them  ;  he 
would  have  had  a  larger  army,  stronger  forts,  and  a  more 
powerful  navy  ;  he  would  have  constructed  more  strategic 
roads  ;  he  would  have  obtained  grain  for  the  garrison  by 
purchase  ;  he  would  have  increased  the  number  of  officials 
connected  with  the  Government ;  he  would  have  had  more 
personal  attendants  with  high-sounding  titles,  and  a  greater 
display  of  Royalty.  Any  advantage  that  the  Elbans  might 
have  derived  from  his  presence  among  them  would  have  been 



IT  was  generally  believed  that  Napoleon's  resources  were 
insufficient  for  his  needs.  Campbell  reported,  12th 
November,  1814  : — 

"  If  pecuniary  difficulties  press  upon  him  much 
longer,  so  as  to  prevent  his  vanity  from  being  satisfied  by 
the  ridiculous  establishment  of  a  Court  which  he  has  hitherto 
supported  in  Elba,  and  if  his  doubts  are  not  reassured,  I 
think  he  is  capable  of  crossing  into  Piombino  with  his  troops, 
or  any  other  eccentricity.  But  if  his  residence  in  Elba  and 
his  income  are  secured  to  him,  I  think  he  will  pass  the  rest 
of  his  life  there  in  tranquillity."  Campbell  notes  the  sale  by 
Napoleon  of  the  ten  months'  provisions  which  had  been  left 
in  store  by  the  French  troops  ;  makes  several  references  to 
the  sale  of  the  guns,  shot,  and  shell  found  in  the  fortress  of 
Porto  Longone  ;  and  reports  that  Madame  Bertrand  said 
to  him  that  Napoleon  "  has  scarcely  a  shilling,  not  even  a 
ring  to  present  to  anyone,  and  his  situation  is  frightful." 
He  continues,  18th  November  :  "  There  has  been  a  further 
reduction  of  servants  and  other  expenses  of  Napoleon's 
household  for  the  sake  of  economy."  3rd  December  :  "  In 
order  to  raise  the  money  he  has,  within  the  last  few  days,  sold 
a  large  public  building  in  this  town,  formerly  used  as  a 
soldiers'  barrack,  for  1500  francs."  December  10th  :  "  The 
Intendant-General  of  the  island  of  Elba  informs  me  that 
Napoleon's  troops  and  vessels  cost  him  one  million  of  francs 
jDcr   year,   while  all   his   sources  of  revenue,   including  the 



contributions,  will  not  net  four  hundred  thousand  this  year. 
In  addition  to  the  discharging  of  a  number  of  servants 
lately  he  has  reduced  to  one  half  the  salary  of  his  surgeon, 
treasurer,  and  some  others  who  hold  civil  appointments  in 
his  household."  27th  December  :  "  It  is  reported  in  this 
island,  and  at  Leghorn,  that  proposals  have  been  made  by 
Napoleon  to  the  Duke  of  Tuscany  for  the  sale  of  his  brass 
guns.  He  has  lately  sold  some  provisions  which  were  in 
store  in  the  fort  of  Longone."  February  :  "  For  some  time 
past  Napoleon  has  suspended  his  improvements,  as  regards 
roads,  and  the  finish  of  his  country  residence.  This  is,  I 
think,  on  account  of  the  expense.  Some  of  the  roads,  as 
well  as  a  bridge,  built  entirely  for  his  own  use,  and  uncon- 
nected with  the  public,  have  yet  by  his  order  been  paid  for 
entirely  by  the  inhabitants.^  A  Council  of  State  was 
lately  held  at  Portoferraio  to  determine  whether  the  town 
house  {Hotel  de  Ville)  can  be  sold  for  his  private  emolument, 
but  as  the  opinions  were  divided  the  project  has  not  yet 
been  carried  into  execution."  ^ 

Napoleon's  proposal  to  sell  the  town  hall,  as  the  property 
of  the  Government,  that  is  himself,  shows  how  catholic 
was  his  estimate  of  what  belonged  to  him.  One  of  his  first 
orders  was  to  make  Lapi  "  Director  of  the  Domains,  that  is 
to  say,  the  forest  of  Giove,  the  two  forests  near  Volterraio, 
the  property  of  Saint  Martin,  and  all  the  workable  and  cul- 
tivable lands  which  surround  the  salt  marshes  and  other 
parcels  of  land  on  the  island  which  belong  to  me  and  to 
which  I  am  entitled,  finally  all  that  relates  to  the  domain  of 
Pianosa."  Lapi  is  instructed  to  "  discover  and  take  over  all 
other  property  on  the  island  which  belongs  to  the  Emperor, 
examine  all  claims,  re-enter  into  possession  of  all  that  is 
vague  or  may  have  been  usurped."^ 

^  Campbell  was  mistaken.  Napoleon  had  to  bear  most  of  the  expense 
liimself.  Campbell's  remark  shows  the  feeling  on  the  island  at  Napoleon's 
effort  to  obtain  contributions. 

-  Campbell,  pp.  31S),  321,  325,  2,U,  348^  354. 

^  Correapondance^  No.  215G7. 


All  forests  he  considered  to  belong  to  him,  and  all  useful 
land  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  salt  marshes,  and  any  person 
who  had  the  temerity  to  claim  a  share  in  such  property 
would  have  to  prove  his  case. 

He  writes  on  the  10th  September  : — 

"  I  desire  to  know  whether  the  peninsula  of  Insola  belongs 
to  me,  as  many  persons  say,  and  what  is  the  size  of  the 
isthmus  ;  I  would  desire  to  close  it  so  as  to  be  able  to  place 
there  boars  and  deer." 

Three  days  later  he  wrote  to  Bertrand  : — 

'*  I  desire  to  acquire  the  Capo  di  Stella  for  a  shooting 
preserve.  I  desire  to  close,  as  soon  as  possible,  the  isthmus, 
which  I  beg  you  to  have  completely  walled  in."^ 

He  ordered  an  estimate  to  be  made  of  the  cost  of  the  wall, 
with  a  good  ditch  in  front  and  a  guard  house.  The  isthmus 
was  a  thin  tongue  of  land  projecting  into  the  sea,  on  the  south 
of  the  island.  Napoleon  had  already  "  acquired  "  the  plain 
of  Acona,  which  adjoined  the  Stella  promontory.  There  is 
no  reason  to  suppose  this  land  belonged  to  him,  more  than 
any  other  land,  but  it  was  worth  little  and  the  proprietors 
had  to  submit  to  the  spoliation,  which  was  theoretical  only  ; 
for  the  fields  of  wheat  and  preserves  of  game  were  among 
the  numerous  visions  with  which  Napoleon  amused  himself, 
and  which  came  to  no  practical  result.  Pons  says  that 
although  Napoleon  did  not  believe  in  the  word  impossible, 
he  failed  to  obtain  so  much  as  a  rabbit,  though  he  sent  to 
Corsica  for  that  wild  animal. 

To  Drouot  he  wrote  on  the  7th  May  :  "  The  sub-prefect 
has  knowledge  of  a  store  of  wheat  belonging  to  the  Grand 
Duchess  of  Tuscany.  Some  of  it  has  been  sold,  some  of  it 
remains.     The  money  has  been  placed  in  the  hands  of  the 

1  Correspondance,  Nos.  21634,  21640. 


treasurer.  A  claim  should  be  made,  for  it  belongs  to  the 
Crown.  Look  into  the  matter,  ascertain  what  remains,  and 
speak  to  the  sub-prefect  about  it."^  If  the  grain  had  ac- 
tually been  the  private  property  of  the  Grand  Duchess,  his 
sister  Elise,  in  whose  domains  Elba  had  been  included,  he 
was  robbing  her,  but,  as  he  remarked  when  he  took  the 
furniture  out  of  her  Piombino  palace,  and  the  other  furniture 
belonging  to  his  brolher-in-law.  Prince  Borghese,  "  it  does 
not  go  out  of  the  family." 

"  It  will  probably  be  necessary  to  take  the  storehouse  of 
M.  Senno.  The  Commune  must  make  an  agreement  with 
him  and  give  him  some  property  in  exchange."^  Senno  was 
farmer  of  the  revenue  from  salt  and  fishery,  and  a  man  of 
substance,  who  according  to  Pons  "  had  resources  to  re- 
place what  was  taken  from  him."  The  store  in  question  was 
at  first  intended  by  Napoleon  for  his  lazaretto,  and  might 
thus  be  regarded  as  a  building  dedicated  for  the  public 
service,  which  the  Commune  should  pay  for  by  giving  the 
owner  something  in  exchange.  Napoleon's  principle  was  that 
all  public  buildings  such  as  barracks,  chapels,  town  halls, 
were  his  own  personal  property,  to  be  sold  or  otherwise 
disposed  of  as  he  might  think  fit,  but  that  a  building  seized 
by  him,  if  intended  for  a  public  purpose,  should  be  paid  for 
by  the  public ;  then  it  also  became  his  private  property,  and 
therefore  saleable  by  him. 

The  salt  and  fishery  stores  belonging  to  Senno  were  con- 
verted into  stables  for  the  Emperor's  horses  and  carriages. 
Colonel  Vincent  says  that  Napoleon  took  these  buildings 
without  paying  for  them.  Pons  attempts  to  dispute  this, 
but  is  not  convincing.  He  says  that  "  for  his  horses  the 
Emperor  took  by  assault  the  vast  stores  for  fishery  and  salt," 
but  that  after  an  interview  between  Napoleon  and  Senno 
"  the  cession  took  place  by  common  accord."  Napoleon  in 
fact  threatened  to  deprive  Senno  of  his  monopoly,  and  the 

*  Correspoiidauce,  No.  21666. 
^  CorrespcMidauce,  No.  21582. 


contractor,  having  "  resources  to  replace  what  was  taken," 
submitted  to  the  seizure  of  his  propert5^ 

Soon  after  his  arrival.  Napoleon  sent  the  tax-gatherer  to 
collect  the  contributions  which  were  in  arrear  from  1st 
September,  1813,  to  1st  May,  1814,  the  eight  months  which 
preceded  his  possession  of  the  island.  He  had  no  right  to  the 
money,  and  the  Elbans  refused  to  pay.  Campbell  says  : 
"  In  riding  lately  near  a  village  I  saw  a  collection  of  the 
inhabitants  insulting  the  tax-gatherer,  with  shouting  and 
the  sound  of  horns.  He  has  been  informed  that  he  will  be 
again  sent  back  very  soon  to  levy  the  contributions,  and 
that  a  hundred  of  the  Guards  are  to  accompany  him,  to  live 
upon  the  inhabitants  at  free  quarters  until  the  required  sum 
is  paid."^ 

It  was  at  Capoliveri  that  the  greatest  resistance  was 
offered.  The  tax-gatherer  was  assaulted  and  driven  off. 
Napoleon  sent  a  dozen  gendarmes  and  ten  mounted  police 
under  Paoli,  with  instructions  to  lodge  in  the  houses  of  the 
leaders  of  the  revolt  until  the  money  was  paid ;  but  the  people 
of  Capoliveri,  headed  by  their  priest,  drove  out  the  police. 
The  Emperor  was  indignant  ;  he  reproached  the  police 
for  their  failure,  saying  that  he  had  imagined  that  they  were 
courageous  Corsicans,  but  found  they  were  cowards.  He  sent 
Major  Colombani  with  two  hundred  men  to  escort  the  police 
back  to  the  rebellious  village.  In  his  order  to  Drouot  he 
wrote  :^  "Each  man  will  have  three  packets  of  cartridges. 
Major  Colombani  will  arrest  the  priest  who  has  been  the 
leader  of  the  riot,  and  two  others.  He  will  remain  with  his 
column  at  Capoliveri  until  the  contributions  are  paid.  He 
will  find  lodgings  with  the  fifty  inhabitants  who  are  most 
in  arrears.  The  sieur  Bigischi,  secretary-general  of  the 
Intendant,  will  go  there  with  a  letter  from  the  Intendant 
to  establish  the  fact  of  the  bad  behaviour,  arrest  three  chiefs 
of  the  revolt,  and  compel  immediate  payment  of  the  con- 

1  Campbell,  p.  248. 

'^  16tL  November,  1814  ;  Registre,  No.  129. 


tributions  ;  otherwise  it  may  be  the  worse  for  CapoHveri. 
He  must  make  the  town  understand  that.  He  must  manage 
so  as  to  arrive  only  an  hour  before  the  troops,  and  if  the  local 
notabilities  are  able  to  induce  the  inhabitants  to  be  reason- 
able the  police  alone  will  enter  the  town." 

On  the  arrival  of  the  Emperor's  commissioner,  the  mayor 
was  able  to  preside  over  a  meeting  of  the  Municipal  Council, 
but  these  notables  declined  to  assist  in  any  way,  declaring 
that  they  could  not  compel  any  payments  nor  give  the  names 
of  the  delinquents.  Then  the  soldiers  presented  their  im- 
posing force,  and  the  money  was  immediately  forthcoming. 

Rio  Montague  also  declined  to  pay,  but  Napoleon  shrank 
from  the  publicity  which  w^ould  attach  to  any  violent  mea- 
sures against  so  important  a  community,  with  its  cosmo- 
politan connections.  He  ordered  that  the  arrears  should  be 
carried  as  a  debt  against  the  pay  of  each  Avorkman,  and  should 
so  be  gradually  paid  off. 

The  total  of  the  arrears  collected  with  so  much  trouble 
and  without  any  right,  was  only  2282  francs,  or  about  £90  ; 
and  the  whole  of  the  proceeds  of  the  tax,  including  these 
arrears,  obtained  by  Napoleon  during  his  sojourn  at  Elba, 
w^as  only  21,666  francs  or  about  £850. 

So  unpopular  was  the  tax  that  a  priest  was  sent  by  the 
inhabitants  to  enquire  of  Campbell  whether  he  would  take 
charge  of  a  petition  to  the  British  Government,  asking  for 
protection  against  the  exactions  of  their  Sovereign.  Napoleon's 
efforts  to  obtain  labour  without  pay,  or  at  reduced  rates, 
and  his  relentless  exaction  of  taxes  for  periods  preceding  his 
legal  right,  turned  his  subjects  from  their  rapturous  welcome 
to  feelings  of  bitter  hatred. 

Napoleon  demanded  from  Pons  a  sum  of  50,000  francs 
which  was  in  his  possession  on  account  of  the  working  of 
the  mine  previous  to  the  11th  April,  1814,  the  date  of  the 
Treaty  of  Fontainebleau.  The  produce  of  the  Rio  mines 
had  been,  by  Imperial  Decree  of  the  23rd  March,  1809, 
allocated  to  the  Legion  of  Honour  ;    to  that  organisation, 


therefore,  this  money  belonged.  Napoleon,  however,  had  no 
hesitation  about  depriving  his  valiant  soldiers  of  what 
belonged  to  them.  He  sent  Drouot  with  orders  to  get  the 
money  from  Pons  and  the  Legion  of  Honour.  Pons  said  : 
"  I  shall  act  according  to  my  conscience,"  a  remark  which 
Drouot  could  but  applaud  ;  he  comforted  Pons  by  observ- 
ing that  "the  conscience  is  the  best  of  all  guides."^  Ber- 
trand,  on  the  other  hand,  had  little  understanding  of  such 
scruples  and  supported  the  rapacity  of  Napoleon.  Pons 
was  taken  by  Bertrand  before  the  Emperor,  who  said  in  a 
severe  tone  :  "  Why  do  you  not  hand  over  to  me  this  money  ?  " 
Pons  remarks  in  his  account  of  the  scene  :  "  The  nature  of 
my  character  makes  me  well  fitted  to  cope  with  such  a 
situation.  I  replied  that  the  money  belonged  to  the  French 
Government  whatever  might  be  that  Government."  Napoleon 
looked  fixedly  at  him,  shrugged  his  shoulders,  and  turned  his 
back.  He  was  dismissed,  and  Bertrand  said  to  him  :  "  You 
have  wounded  the  feelings  of  His  Majesty." 

From  that  time  Pons  declares  that  he  was  treated  by 
Napoleon  to  every  kind  of  annoyance  and  humiliation. 
Napoleon  often  remarked  that  the  Grand  Marshal  of  the 
Palace,  Duroc,  never  said  no  to  him.  As  Pons  observes, 
Duroc's  method  was  to  say  :  "  Yes,  sire  !  "  and  go  away  ; 
then  later  he  would  explain,  if  called  upon  (which  was  not 
always  the  case),  why  he  had  not  done  Avhat  had  been 
ordered,  and  Napoleon  would  make  no  complaint,  though 
with  anybody  but  Duroc  he  might  have  been  enraged  at 
finding  he  had  not  been  instantly  obeyed. 

It  was  now  known  throughout  the  island  that  an  official 
in  Napoleon's  employ  had  refused  to  deliver  up  money  which 
had  been  demanded,  and  there  were  not  wanting  courtiers 
to  insinuate  that  Pons  would  not  have  dared  to  act  with 
such  independence  towards  the  Emperor  of  the  French. 
Pons  observes  :    "  The  Emperor  was  tortured  with  the  idea 

1  Pons^  p.  85  et  seq.  ;  Pelissier,  RegistrCj  pp.  92,  96  ;  Campbell,  p.  250; 
Peyrusse,  p.  241. 


From  a  contempoi.iry  engraving 


that  he  was  being  beUttled.  He  leaned  even  more  upon  his 
imperial  grandeur  than  upon  his  military  glory.  Perhaps  he 
was  right.  His  military  glory  was  an  immortal  and  accom- 
plished fact  which  nothing  could  destroy  nor  diminish,  which 
would  be  celebrated,  independent  of  human  vicissitudes,  as 
the  apanage  of  future  centuries.  It  was  not  the  same  with 
his  imperial  grandeur.  However  immense  that  may  have 
been,  fate  had  broken  it,  and  he  alone,  the  man,  the  great 
man,  remained  superior  to  events.  It  was  above  all  the  man 
whom  one  respected  in  the  Emperor."  This  shrewd  analysis 
of  the  psychology  of  the  great  soldier,  who  was  incidentally 
a  fallen  Emperor,  is  a  helpful  explanation  of  the  sensitive 
tenacity  he  exhibited  in  insisting  upon  the  retention,  to  the 
utmost  possible  extent,  of  the  forms  and  ceremonies,  the 
adulations  and  genuflexions  of  the  Imperial  Court. 

His  military  fame  was  immortal,  and  could  be  left  to  itself, 
but  what  was  escaping  was  the  divinity  of  an  anointed  King. 
He  would  never  let  that  go  so  long  as  he  had  life  in  him. 
The  refusal  of  Pons  to  do  as  he  was  told  was  an  affront  to 
His  Majesty.  Moreover,  defiant  disobedience  to  his  orders 
was  a  novelty  to  Napoleon  ever  since  the  day  when,  aged 
twenty-six,  he  had  taken  command  of  the  Army  of  Italy. 
Already  at  that  age  he  was  by  temperament  a  dominator, 
and  his  subsequent  experience  of  eighteen  years  of  un- 
questioned submission  to  his  behests,  had  fixed  in  hard 
cement  his  natural  expectation  that  his  orders  would  always 
be  instantly  obeyed.  To  be  defied  now  that  he  was  a  fallen 
man  was  a  blow  to  his  self-esteem,  and  in  these  circumstances 
the  fact,  obvious  to  all,  that  he  was  in  the  wrong,  became  of 
some  significance. 

When  men  came  forward  with  offers  to  undertake  the 
post  of  Administrator  at  a  reduced  salary,  and  even  when 
Napoleon's  mother  asked  him  to  give  the  appointment  to  a 
Corsican  friend,  he  declined  to  remove  Pons,  nor  would  he 
accept  the  resignation  of  the  post  which  Pons  more  than 
once  tendered.    He  thought  his  dignity  would  be  best  served 


by  assuming  an  exalted  superiority,  based  on  the  certainty 
that  no  man  would  or  could  continue  to  disobey  his  express 

Napoleon  now  sent  his  treasurer  Peyrusse  to  try  to  con- 
vince Pons  that  the  point  in  dispute  was  a  technicality,  a 
mere  matter  of  accounts,  but  Pons  was  not  to  be  moved  from 
his  opinion  that  it  was  a  question  of  common  honesty. 

Napoleon  then  summoned  Pons  to  a  private  audience  and 
tried  to  browbeat  him.  "  The  Emperor,"  says  Pons,  "  would 
not  discuss,  he  would  only  command.  He  had  the  right  to 
interrupt,  but  he  would  not  suffer  himself  to  be  interrupted, 
so  that  it  was  not  possible  to  oppose  reasons  against  his 
reasons  ;  consequently  he  was  always  in  the  right.  But 
this  was  not  his  usual  way.  In  general  he  would  discuss  and 
take  pleasure  in  hearing  others  discuss,  assuming  no  pre- 
dominance, and  w^hen  his  opinion  was  shown  not  to  be  the 
best,  he  would  admit  his  defeat.  But  here  no  discussion  was 
possible.  The  positions  were  cut  out  :  on  one  side  right,  on 
the  other  might.  The  Emperor  was  disinclined  to  use  his 
might  :  he  could  not  invoke  his  right.  Hence  his  perplexity. 
He  wanted  the  money.  All  that  he  said  and  did  might 
be  expressed  in  the  word  '  Give '  ;  all  I  replied  in  the 
words  '  I  will  not  give.'  So  we  could  not  come  to  an 

There  were  frequent  causes  of  disagreement  now  between 
Pons  and  the  Emperor.  Two  coastguard  boats  were  employed 
at  Rio  Marina  to  prevent  smuggling  of  the  ore.  Napoleon 
dismissed  the  men  and  when  Pons  begged  on  their  behalf 
that  they  should  be  accorded  some  other  engagement,  being 
now  without  employment  of  any  kind,  Napoleon  paid  no 
heed.  When  Pons  had  to  report  that  the  smuggling  had 
recommenced.  Napoleon  exhibited  his  annoyance,  but  did 
not  reinstate  the  guards. 

Then  he  sent  to  the  mines  flour  which  had  gone  bad  and 
had  been  refused  by  the  soldiers.  Having  used  it  and  found 
that  the  bread  was  bad,  and  that  some  of  the  miners  had  been 


made  ill,  Pons  protested,  in  a  letter  to  the  Emperor  which 
he  composed  with  the  assistance  of  his  friend  Drouot. 
Napoleon's  reply  was  to  order  Pons  to  mix  good  flour  with 
bad  flour.  Pons  did  so,  and  the  bread  was  still  so  bad  that 
a  hundred  miners  became  unwell.  On  his  reporting  this  to 
Napoleon  and  positively  declining  to  distribute  the  bad 
bread,  the  Emperor  had  to  acquiesce,  but  not  before  the 
affair  had  made  him  very  unpopular  with  the  miners. 

Napoleon  next  gave  orders  that  the  number  of  workmen 
in  the  mines  should  be  reduced.  Pons  declared  that  the 
miners  by  this  time  were  in  a  state  of  exasperation,  and  that 
he  had  not  the  power  to  carry  out  the  order  without  using 
violence  ;  and  he  added  that  if  the  workers  were  reduced 
the  quantity  of  work  done,  and  of  ore  obtained,  would  be 
reduced  also.  Napoleon  appeared  to  be  convinced,  but  soon 
afterwards  he  told  Pons  to  send  him  miners  to  do  other  work 
in  various  parts  of  the  island.  Pons  had  to  submit,  but  he 
remarks  that  the  result  was  that  less  ore  was  obtained  from 
the  mines,  and  that  the  miners  were  of  little  use  elsewhere. 
"  The  work  of  the  mines  lost  ;  the  other  works  did  not 

To  bend  Pons  to  his  will  Napoleon  paid  a  second  visit  to 
the  mine.  Pons  describes  at  considerable  length  the  public 
quarrel  which  took  place.  "  The  Emperor  arrived.  He 
scarcely  responded  to  my  respectful  salutation.  He  placed 
himself  at  the  end  of  a  long  table,  and  made  me  sit  at  the 
opposite  end.  General  Bertrand  was  on  his  right,  the 
treasurer  Peyrusse  was  on  his  left."  Napoleon  began  by 
demanding  why  Pons  did  not  pay  the  money,  and  a  dis- 
cussion or  altercation  ensued  which  ended  by  his  saying  : 
"  You  will  do  what  I  tell  you  to  do.  .  .  ."  "I  will  not  do 
it.  .  .  ."  "  Sir,  I  am  always  the  Emperor.  ..."  "  And  I, 
Sire,  am  always  a  Frenchman."  By  this  time  the  voices  of 
both  men  had  been  raised,  on  the  one  side  to  a  tone  of 
strident  threat,  on  the  other  to  vehement  defiance.  Napoleon 
was  the  first  to  recover  his  composure,  and  before  long  was 


doing  his  best  to  soothe  the  excessive  agitation  of  the 
administrator.  Drouot  said  to  Pons  :  "  The  Emperor  is 
always  free  from  rancour.  His  anger  does  not  go  beyond 
the  skin.  He  is  not  hke  you,  moved  to  the  vitals."  After 
breakfast  Napoleon,  being  served  with  coffee,  handed  the 
cup  to  Pons.  "  Take  it,  calm  yourself,  there  is  no  cause  for 
you  to  torment  yourself  beyond  measure  in  this  way."  Then 
turning  to  Drouot  he  said,  with  a  smile  :  "  If  he  knew  of  our 
great  quarrels,  or  rather  my  quarrels,  he  would  not  be  so 
overcome  as  he  is."  Finally,  when  he  left  he  gave  Pons  the 
exceptional  honour  of  a  handshake. 

The  readiness,  even  anxious  desire,  to  make  friends,  after 
a  disagreement,  was  characteristic  of  Napoleon.  "  We  have 
been  like  lovers,"  he  would  say  ;  "we  have  quarrelled.  But 
lovers  make  it  up,  and  then  love  each  other  more  than  ever. 
Good  night,  sleep  well,  no  offence  meant." 

In  the  end  Pons  wrote  to  Scitivaux,  the  receiver  for  the 
mines,  asking  his  opinion,  and  the  reply  was  that  it  might  be 
assumed  that  the  French  Government  would  deduct  from 
the  subsidy  payable  to  Napoleon,  any  money  which  he  might 
have  abstracted  from  the  Legion  of  Honour. 

Pons  thereupon  announced  to  Napoleon  that  he  would 
pay  the  money.  He  was  still  of  opinion  that  it  belonged  by 
right  to  the  Legion  of  Honour,  but  he  was  convinced  that 
the  Emperor  would  not  allow  him  to  suffer  for  having  given 
in  to  his  importunity.  Napoleon  sent  for  him  and  behaved 
to  him  with  marked  coldness.  He  began  by  saying  that  he 
was  not  going  to  occupy  himself  with  bickerings  {tracasseries), 
and  finally  treated  him  to  his  most  crushing  Imperial  manner, 
dismissing  him  with  the  remark,  as  he  went  out  of  the  room  : 
"  You  were  at  the  siege  of  Toulon,  were  you  not  ?  "  and  not 
waiting  for  an  answer. 

Pons  was  much  offended,  complained  to  Drouot  of  the 
Imperial  hauteur  and  especially  of  the  use  of  the  word 
tracasserie,  and  kept  himself  away.    Napoleon  sent  to  enquire 

he  was  ill,  and  Pons  was  induced  to  present  himself  once 


more.  Napoleon  then,  with  a  smile,  said  there  would  be  no 
further  reference  to  tracasseries ;  but  he  told  Pons  plainly 
that  he  had  throughout  been  in  the  wrong.  "  Your  duty 
was  subordinate  to  my  right.  It  was  for  me  to  judge  what 
you  should  do.  I  think  you  have  allowed  yourself  to  be 
seduced  by  ideas  of  republican  integrity,"  referring  to  the 
revolutionary  opinions  of  the  administrator.  When  Pons 
wished  to  explain  Napoleon  stopped  him  :  "  We  will  not 
argue.  It  would  be  useless.  I  wished  you  to  have  my 
opinion  and  I  leave  you  free  of  yours."  So  ended  the  affair. 
After  the  second  restoration  Pons  was  officially  absolved 
of  all  blame. 

Pons  was  not  accustomed  to  be  told  that  he  was  incapable 
of  judging  between  right  and  wrong,  and  had  not  been 
broken  into  the  tone  of  abject  submission  which  Napoleon 
still  demanded.  He  never  forgave  the  word  tracasserie. 
When  Napoleon  wanted  him  to  take  over  the  superintendence 
of  the  salt  works  Pons  declined,  remarking  that  if  he  were 
to  investigate  the  management  of  those  undertakings,  it 
was  quite  possible  he  might  become  tracassier. 

Napoleon's  parsimony  was  as  bad  as  his  rapacity.  He 
examined  every  item  in  the  accounts  that  were  presented 
to  him,  and  made  it  almost  a  rule  to  deduct  something  from 
every  bill.  When  it  was  proposed  to  prepare  rooms  for  some 
of  his  officers  in  the  barrack  of  St.  Francis  for  2500  francs, 
he  would  sanction  only  2400,  thus  saving  £4.^  Examples 
of  that  spirit  are  numerous  in  his  correspondence. 

His  orders  to  Bertrand,  Drouot,  and  Peyrusse  are  full  of 
instructions  as  to  the  collection  of  revenues,  and  the  reduc- 
tion of  expenses  by  small  economies  here  and  there.  He 
seemed  to  cut  down  bills  in  trifling  degree  for  the  mere 
pleasure  of  doing  it.  Large  savings  were  not  made  in  this 
manner,  but  he  had  learned  parsimony  in  the  school  of 
penury  and  had  never  forgotten  the  lesson,  even  when 
seated  upon  the  throne  of  France. 

'  Letter  to  Drouot,  IGth  November,  1814.     Lord  Crawford's  collection. 



There  was  no  need  for  this  congenial  exercise  of  the  cheese- 
paring habits  of  his  youth.  The  accounts  of  his  treasurer 
Peyrusse  give  the  following  figures^ : — 

Civil  Administration 
From  May,  1814,  to  Srd  June,  1815 


Intendance 7,898 



Office  of  Imperial  Receiver 


Post  Office      . 






Roads    ..... 




Administration  of  the  Mines 


Tax  Collection 



Military  Administration 

From  1st  May,  1814,  to  Srd  J 

line,  1815 




Battalion  of  Chasseurs   . 

.      117,075 

Free  Battalion 


Gendarmes   .... 


Infantry  of  the  Guard    . 

.      291,717 

Cavalry  of  the  Guard 


Artillery        .... 


Marine           .... 


Hospitals      .... 


Expenses  of  Administration   . 


Officers  of  the  suite 


Barracks       .... 


^  Peyrusse,  Appendix,  pp.  146, 147,  148,  150, 










From  11th  April,  1814,  to  31st  May,  1814  264,053 
From  1st  Jmie,  1814,  to  3rd  June,  1815  .  750,628 
Voyage  from  Portoferraio  to  Paris  .  .     245,593 

Payments  to  the  Guard  before  the  31st 

May,  1814 
National  Guard 
Coastguard  . 
Provisions     . 
Payments  to  the  payer  De  Joly,  sent  to 

Elba  on  the  1st  June,  1815 

Household  of  the  Emperor 

Total  for  the  household     1,260,274 

Civil  Administration 
Military  Administration 

.     145,741 

.  1,446,309 

Grand  total  of  actual  expenditure     2,852,324 


From  the  \st  May,  1814,  to  the  3rd  June,  1815,  zvhen  the  duty 
was  relegated  to  the  new  Receiver 

Cash  in  hand 

V^CI..')1J     111    llctllU                      .                      . 

Contribution  financiere  . 


Stamps  and  Registration 






Sale  of  stores 


Shipping  dues 


Mines  .... 


Postal  receipts 



Ten  per  cent  upon  octroi  revenue    . 
Five  per  cent  upon  communal  revenue 
Received  for  foundlings 
Sale  of  houses        .... 
Miscellaneous         .... 


As  the  actual  payments  were  2,852,315  francs  there 
was  thus  an  actual  deficit  of  2,246,006  francs. 

To  meet  that  sum  Napoleon  had  to  draw  upon  the  money 
he  brought  with  him  from  France. 

On  the  10th  April,  1814,  Peyrusse,  the  treasurer  in  attend- 
ance at  Fontainebleau,  had  in  his  charge  488,913  francs.^ 
On  learning  that  the  Emperor  had  abdicated  he  went  to  Ber- 
trand  and  told  him  he  wished  to  continue  his  service.  The 
Grand  Marshal  took  Peyrusse  to  Napoleon,  who  received  him 
alone.  Peyrusse  explained  that  he  desired  to  place  his 
services  at  His  Majesty's  disposal,  and  to  follow  him  into 
exile,  an  offer  which  was  graciously  accepted.  He  exposed 
the  condition  of  his  cash-box,  with  barely  £20,000  remaining  ; 
he  observed  that  the  Treasurer-General,  Baron  de  la 
Bouillerie,  had  taken  to  Orleans,  in  the  company  of  the 
Empress  Marie  Louise,  the  general  treasiu'c  of  the  Crown ; 
and  he  suggested  that  he  should  be  sent  to  Orleans  to  bring  it 
away.  "  Bah  !  "  said  Napoleon,  "  when  one  loses  the  Empire 
one  may  as  well  lose  everything,"  and  with  these  words  he 
left  the  room,  to  conceal  his  emotion.  When  Peyrusse  told 
Bert  rand  what  had  passed,  the  Grand  Marshal  observed 
that  he  also  was  much  embarrassed  to  know  how  he  could 
venture  to  bring  the  financial  situation  before  Napoleon. 
Early  the  next  day  Peyrusse  was  summoned  by  Napoleon, 
whom  he  found  looking  upset  and  pale.  The  Emperor  gave 
him  a  letter  to  deliver  to  Marie  Louise,  and  ordered  him  to 
start  at  once,  and,  in  any  event,  not  to  allow  the  letter  to 

1  PejTusse,  p.  217. 

NAPOLEON    IN     1814 

From  a  picture    aken  during  his  residence  in  Elba,  which  in  1850  was  in  the  possession 
of  Signor  Foresi,  of  Portofeiraio 


fall  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy  who  were  already  to  be  found 
between  Fontainebleau  and  Orleans,  placed  there  expressly 
in  order  to  prevent  communication  between  the  two  places. 

Peyrusse  hid  the  letter  inside  the  lining  of  his  waistcoat 
and,  guided  by  a  groom,  arrived  at  Orleans  early  on  the 
12th  April.  Marie  Louise,  on  reading  the  letter,  told  him 
that  in  it  Napoleon  asked  her  to  send  the  treasure  brought 
from  Paris,  but  that  it  was  too  late,  that  on  the  10th  April, 
two  days  before,  orders  had  been  received  from  the  Pro- 
visional Government  to  give  up  all  the  treasure  brought  to 
Orleans.  This  accordingly  had  been  done,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  a  sum  of  6,000,000  francs  (£240,000)  which  had  been 
left  for  the  Empress  herself  and  her  household.  Of  this  she 
required  500,000  francs  (£20,000)  to  give  as  a  present  to  the 
Guards  who  had  acted  as  her  escort.  The  remaining  5,500,000 
francs  she  would  give  to  Napoleon.  Peyrusse  should  speak 
to  Meneval  about  it.  Later  on  the  same  day  Marie  Louise 
sent  again  for  Peyrusse  and  told  him  that  she  was  taking 
with  her,  at  once,  to  Rambouillet,  boxes  containing  2,933,600 
francs,  for  their  greater  security.  Meneval  gave  Peyrusse  a 
formal  receipt  for  this  sum,  and  Marie  Louise  assured  him  it 
would  be  forwarded  to  Napoleon  from  Rambouillet.  Mene- 
val also  retained  50,000  francs  for  the  Empress  and  436,398 
for  the  Guard.  Peyrusse  was  left  at  Orleans  with  thirty 
cases  containing  2,580,000  francs,  protected  only  by  the 
National  Guards.  He  w^as  in  great  anxiety,  for  foreign 
troops,  and  especially  the  much-dreaded  Cossacks,  had  been 
seen  in  the  neighbourhood.  He  sent  off  the  groom  to  Fon- 
tainebleau with  a  letter  to  Bertrand  informing  him  of  his 
plight,  and  demanding  an  escort  of  troops. 

At  6  p.m.  on  the  following  day,  13th  April,  Deschamps 
arrived  in  a  post  vehicle  to  inform  Peyrusse  that  the  Napoleon 
battalion  of  the  Guard  was  on  the  way  under  Cambronne, 
and  was  making  forced  marches.  At  midnight  the  Guard 
arrived  and  the  boxes  were  placed  on  the  wagon  they  had 
brought,  and  were  then  escorted  safely  to  Napoleon. 


Marie  Louise  did  not  forward  the  money  from  Rambouillet, 
as  she  had  promised  to  do.  Peyrusse  sent  special  agents 
several  times  to  demand  it,  but  all  they  succeeded  in  obtain- 
ing was  911,000  francs.  For  the  remainder,  over  2,000,000 
francs,  Peyrusse  went  himself,  on  the  18th  April,  Napoleon's 
departure  from  Fontainebleau  being  postponed  until  his 
return.  But  Marie  Louise  now  said  that  she  would  return 
the  money  from  Vienna.    She  never  fulfilled  the  promise. 

The  funds  upon  which  Napoleon   could  draw  consisted 

therefore  of  the  following  sums  : — 

Cash  remaining  at  Fontainebleau     .  .     488,913 

Brought  by  Peyrusse  from  Orleans  .  .  2,580,002 

Brought  by  his  agents  from  Rambouillet  .     911,000 


Deducting  the  deficit  of  2,246,000  francs  leaves  1,733,909 
as  the  sum  in  hand  on  the  3rd  June,  1815. 

To  ascertain  Napoleon's  resources  when  he  left  Elba  on 
the  26th  February,  we  must  add  what  was  spent  on  the 
journey  to  Paris,  245,593  francs,  which  would  give  him  on 
that  date  1,979,502  francs.  The  other  items  of  expenses 
and  receipts  after  he  had  left  the  island  are  not  im- 
portant. From  this  account  it  would  seem  then  that  when 
Napoleon  left  he  had  spent  just  half  his  capital,  and  that  he 
had  only  enough  to  last  him  till  the  end  of  the  year  1815. 
In  reality,  as  we  shall  see,  he  could  have  held  out  for  several 

The  budget  fixed  upon  by  Napoleon  with  Peyrusse  for 
the  civil  administration  for  the  year  1815  was  114,530 
francs.^  Of  this  no  less  than  40,000  francs  was  for  roads 
and  bridges,  on  which  we  may  assume  that  some  economy 
would  in  fact  have  been  made.  The  figure  for  the  previous 
year's  administration  was  102,634  francs.  In  round  numbers 
we  may  put  the  civil  account  at  100,000  francs. 

^  Peyrusse,  p.  267.^ 


The  budget  for  war  was  fixed  at  1,015,000^  for  1815. 

The  outlay  from  1st  May,  1814,  to  3rd  June,  1815,  nomin- 
ally for  thirteen  months,  was  1,446,309  ;  but  from  this 
should  be  deducted  : — 

Latrines,  cisterns,  works  at  Pianosa 
Purchase  of  I'fitoile 
Barracks,  furniture  and  effects 
Payment  to  Guard  before  May,  1814 
Payments  to  De  Joly 



Deducting  this  from  1,446,309  leaves  988,301,  which  is 
fairly  in  accord  with  Napoleon's  estimate.  The  military 
expenses  may  be  put  at  1,000,000  francs. 

The  budget  for  the  household  was  fixed,  first  at  350,000 
francs,  2  later  at  380,000  francs. ^  The  previous  expenditure 
from  11th  April,  1814,  to  3rd  June,  1815,  nearly  fourteen 
months,  was  1,200,274  francs,  but  that  included  the  heavy 
expenses  from  Fontainebleau  and  the  return  to  Paris  in  1815. 
For  a  year,  from  1st  June,  1814,  to  3rd  June,  1815,  the 
household  cost  was  750,628  francs.  The  accounts  of  Peyrusse 
show,  when  analysed,  that  this  included  60,000  francs  which 
were  stolen,  136,000  for  purchase  of  estates,  61,000  for 
furniture,  and  188,000  for  work  on  the  various  houses. 
This  amounts  altogether  to  385,000  francs  for  presumably 
non-recurring  expenditure,  which  would  leave  365,000  for 
the  total  for  the  household.  But  after  the  budget  had  been 
settled,  in  January,  1815,  the  salaries  of  the  staff  were  cut 
down  by  one-half,  and  the  indemnity  hitherto  paid  on  account 
of  lodging  was  suppressed,  the  officials  being  quartered  in 
the  barracks ;  and  a  number  of  other  economies  were  effected. 
Napoleon's  first  estimate  of  350,000  was,  after  these  reduc- 

'  Peyrusse,  p.  265.  2  Peynisse,  p.  245. 

*  Letter  to  Bertrand,  26tli  October,  llegistre.  No.  111.  Correspondance, 
No.  216G2.  '       6        ^  y  , 



tions,  considered  by  Peyrusse  to  be  more  than  would  be 
required.    We  may  therefore  accept  it  as  a  Hberal  provision. 

The  expenditure  would  thus  be  : — 


.      100,000 
.  1,000,000 

Civil  Administration 


.     350,000 
Total     1,450,000 

The  receipts  had  been  606,309  francs,  from  1st  May,  1814, 

to  3rd  June,  1815,  a  period  of  thirteen  months,  but  of  this 

sum  no  less  than  185,386  francs  was  for  receipts  anterior  to 

the  11th   April,  1814^   (to  which  Napoleon  had   no  right), 

40,117  was  from  sale  of  stores,  and  20,000  from  sale  of 

houses.     Deducting  these  items,  245,503,  we  have  receipts 

of  360,806  francs  for  a  period  nominally  of  thirteen  months, 

but  in  reality  of  little  more  than  ten,  for  the  revenue  was  not 

collected  with  diligence  after  the  departure  of  Napoleon. 

The  budget  for  receipts  expected  in  1815  was  drawn  up  by 

Napoleon  and  his  treasurer  as  follows  : — 


Various  taxes 

.     87,000 

Mines     .... 

.   300,000 

Salt        .... 

.     22,000 


.     28,000 


.      10,000 


This  would  appear  to  have  been  over-sanguine.  Taking  a 
moderate  estimate  of  400,000  francs,  and  deducting  that 
from  the  estimated  expenditure  of  1,450,000,  we  get  an 
annual  deficit  of  1,050,000  francs  (£42,000).  Napoleon's 
capital  remaining  on  26th  February,  1815,  1,979,502  francs, 
would  thus  have  lasted  him  till  the  end  of  1816. 

'  Peyrusse,  p.  241. 

2  Peyrusse,  pp.  267,  268. 

Appendix,  No.  124. 



But  he  and  Peyrusse  expected  that  other  considerable 
sums  would  be  available.  There  was  already  due  to  the  mine 
from  various  purchasers  of  ore  no  less  a  sum  than  549,000 
francs,  which  Napoleon  and  Peyrusse  put  down  as  a  receipt 
to  be  expected,  in  addition  to  the  annual  revenue  of  300,000 
francs.  There  were  credits  with  bankers  at  Genoa,  Leghorn, 
and  Rome,  amounting  to  254,000  francs,  and  cash  at  Porto- 
ferraio  15,000  francs,  and  it  was  expected  that  the  sale  of 
various  properties  would  bring  in  440,000  francs,  as  follows: — 

Sale  of  houses  and  lands 
„     „  bullets,  iron,  etc. 
„     „  powder 
„     „  provisions  . 
„     ,,  horses  and  carriages 


Due  to  mine 
Credits  and  cash 




Total  1,258,000 

Here  was  enough  to  defray  the  deficit  for  more  than 
another  year. 

But  even  that  is  not  all.  Napoleon  had  placed  with 
Eugene,  with  Laffitte,  and  with  Lavalette,  sums  amounting 
altogether  to  1,600,000  francs,  which  was  much  more  than 
sufficient  to  see  him  through  a  fourth  year.^ 

Allowing  for  some  exaggerations  in  his  expectations,  it 
remains  that  Napoleon  could  have  kept  up  his  imperial 
style,  and  his  military  strength,  for  another  four  years.  It 
is  not  to  be  supposed  that  he  would  have  found  it  necessary 
to  continue  prepared  for  attack,  or  that  he  would  have  been 
left  entirely  on  his  own  resources,  all  that  time.    There  was 

'  Massou,  "  Napoleon  a  Saiut  Heleue,"  p.  317. 


no  necessity  for  anxiety  in  the  matter  of  finance,  and  he 
knew  it.  He  said  so  himself  at  St.  Helena,  when  there  was 
no  longer  any  need  for  concealing  the  truth. ^ 

Under  these  circumstances  it  is  amusing  to  observe  how 
easily  he  deceived  Campbell,  and  all  the  other  spies  of 
foreign  Governments.  Every  report  from  Elba  stated  that 
Napoleon  was  in  great  distress  for  want  of  money.  Soon 
after  his  arrival  in  Paris  he  had  a  statement  to  that  effect 
inserted  in  the  "  Moniteur,"  on  the  13th  April,  1815,  in  order 
to  expose  the  dishonesty  of  the  Bourbons.  The  economies 
and  reductions  of  salaries  at  Elba  were  accompanied  by  loud 
laments  ;  there  was  no  attempt  at  concealment,  no  furtive 
shame,  rather  a  prepared  and  elaborate  display,  that  the 
world  might  not  forget  how  he  was  being  treated.  It  was 
policy,  as  much  as  natural  aptitude,  that  made  Napoleon 
cut  down  bills  and  reduce  salaries.  He  wished  it  to  be 
supposed  that  he  was  reduced  to  impotence  by  penury  ; 
that  he  was  a  victim  to  the  dishonesty  of  Louis  XVIII.  He 
behaved  in  the  same  way  at  St.  Helena. 

'  "L'ile  d'Elbe  et  les  Cent  Jours^"  Correspondaucej  Vol.  XXXI,  p.  27. 



MARIE  LOUISE,  it  will  be  remembered,  on  the 
12th  April,  ISl'l,  left  Orleans,  whence  she  could 
have  reached  Napoleon  at  Fontainebleau  in  a 
few  hours,  for  Rambouillet,  nearer  Paris.  It 
is  said  that  Napoleon  sent  his  Guard  to  fetch  her,  and  that 
she  hurried  away  as  soon  as  the  news  arrived  that  the  Guard 
was  coming  ;  but  the  story  told  by  Peyrusse  proves  that  it 
was  for  his  treasure,  not  his  wife,  that  Napoleon  sent  the 
Guard.  The  war  was  at  an  end,  and  she  had  a  large  escort 
of  French  cavalry  at  Orleans,  and  was  not  in  need  of  the 
further  protection  of  the  Guard  for  a  journey  to  Fontaine- 

At  Rambouillet  Marie  Louise  received  a  visit  from  her  father, 
who  went  through  the  form  of  saying  that  she  should  join 
her  husband  later  on,  but  insisted  that,  in  the  meantime, 
she  should  return  to  her  native  country.  He  wrote  to 
Napoleon  a  hypocritical  letter,  in  which  he  said  that  the 
health  of  his  daughter  had  suffered  so  prodigiously  that  he 
had  urged  her  to  spend  some  months  in  the  bosom  of  her 
family.  "  Restored  to  health,"  he  added,  "  my  daughter 
will  go  to  take  possession  of  her  territory,  which  will  naturally 
bring  her  near  to  the  residence  of  Your  Majesty." 

At  Rambouillet  the  Empress  also  received  visits  from  the 
Czar  on  the  19th  April,  and  the  King  of  Prussia  on  the  20th. 
Napoleon  was  right  in  objecting  that  these  monarchs  were 
acting  in  the  worst  of  taste  in  thus  presenting  themselves 



as  conquerors,  which  was  excessively  disagreeable  for  Marie 
Louise.  The  Czar  wished  to  appear  magnanimous  and 
gallant,  and  the  King  of  Prussia  would  not  be  ignored. 

When  he  found  that  he  would  not  be  allowed,  as  he  had 
desired,  to  travel  with  his  wife  by  way  of  Italy,  Napoleon 
wrote  to  her  on  the  18th  to  follow  the  advice  of  Corvisart 
and  take  a  course  of  the  waters  at  Aix-en-Savoie. 

At  Frejus,  just  before  sailing,  Napoleon  wrote  her  a  note 
to  be  sent  on  to  the  Emperor  of  Austria  : — 

"  According  to  Article  11  of  the  Treaty,  what  comes  from 
the  Civil  List  belongs  to  the  Emperor.  The  Due  de  Cadore 
has  the  account  of  all  that  belongs  to  the  Civil  List  and  of 
the  economies  that  have  been  made  in  fourteen  years. 

"  A  treasure  of  ten  to  twelve  millions  has  been  unjustly 
taken  at  Orleans,  and  is  now  sequestered  at  Paris.  It  is 
evident  that  as  the  French  Government  is  acting  throughout 
in  bad  faith,  against  all  justice,  nothing  is  to  be  expected 
from  that  quarter  of  the  two  millions  placed  upon  the  great 
book  and  destined  for  the  expenses  of  the  island  of  Elba, 
unless  a  foreign  intervention  takes  up  the  affair. 

"  There  were  presents  with  portraits  of  the  Emperor  to  the 
value  of  four  or  five  hundred  thousand  francs  which  had 
been  bought  with  the  funds  of  the  Civil  List,  and  which  were 
taken  at  Orleans,  as  well  as  all  his  crockery  and  silver.  The 
Emperor  has  also  been  deprived  of  his  library  and  of 
everything  required  for  the  daily  use  of  the  Emperor  and 

Bertrand  wrote  on  the  same  date  to  Meneval  a  letter 
inspired  by  Napoleon,  and  meant  to  be  shown  to  Marie 
Louise,  in  which  he  said  :  "  You  will  realise  that  we  very 
much  desire  that  the  Empress  should  come  and  divide  her 
time  between  Parma  and  the  island  of  Elba  ;  we  should  be 
so  happy  to  see  her  sometimes." 

These  letters,  written  before  Napoleon  had  sailed  for  Elba, 
show  that  he  had  already  realised  that  the  French  Govern- 


























o     >. 

S      6 


ment  had  no  intention  of  paying  him  the  money  due  by  the 
Treaty  of  Fontainebleau.  They  also  show  that  he  did  not 
expect  Marie  Louise  to  hve  permanently  with  him  at  Elba  ; 
at  most  she  would  visit  him  sometimes  from  Parma. 

Marie  Louise  left  Rambouillet  with  her  son  on  the  25th 
and  arrived  at  the  Castle  of  Schoenbrunn,  near  Vienna, 
on  the  18th  May.  There  she  saw  a  good  deal  of  her  grand- 
mother, Caroline,  sister  of  Marie  Antoinette,  and  formerly 
Queen  of  the  two  Sicilies.  In  spite  of  the  deadly  injury 
Napoleon  had  done  her  the  ex-Queen  urged  Marie  Louise 
to  join  him,  and  when  she  excused  herself  by  referring  to 
the  obstacles  that  were  put  in  her  way,  Caroline  replied  that 
she  should  tie  sheets  to  the  window-sill  of  her  room  and  escape 
at  night  in  a  disguise.  "  That  is  what  I  would  do,  for  when  one 
is  married  it  is  for  life."  Marie  Louise  was  not  made  of  such 
stuff,  but  Caroline  succeeded  in  turning  her  thoughts  to- 
wards Napoleon,  and  prevailed  on  her  to  wear  a  portrait 
of  him.  That  was  as  far  as  the  wife  could  go,  and  then  only 
while  in  the  presence  of  her  grandmother. 

On  the  29th  June  she  escaped  from  that  beneficent  influ- 
ence, and  went  to  Aix-en-Savoie,  leaving  her  son  with  her 
relations.  Corvisart  had  recommended  the  waters.  Napoleon 
objected.  He  wrote  on  the  3rd  July  :  "  If  the  Empress 
has  waited  at  Vienna  for  the  answer  to  her  letter,  the  Emperor 
desires  that  she  should  not  go  to  Aix,  and  if  she  has  already 
gone,  that  she  should  remain  there  only  for  one  course  of 
baths,  and  return  as  soon  as  possible  to  Tuscany,  where  there 
are  waters  which  have  the  same  qualities  as  those  of  Aix. 
They  are  nearer  to  us  and  Parma,  and  would  allow  of  the 
Empress  having  her  son  with  her.  When  M.  Corvisart 
advised  the  waters  of  Aix,  he  did  not  know  the  waters  of 
Tuscany,  which  have  the  same  properties." 

This  letter  arrived  too  late,  nor  would  it  have  had  any 
effect,  for  when,  at  Aix,  Marie  Louise  received  it,  she  wrote 
to  Meneval  :  "  You  know  how  I  desire  to  do  the  wish  of  the 
Emperor,  but  in  this  case  ought  I  to  do  so,  if  it  does  not 


agree  with  the  intentions  of  my  father  ?  "  That  was  her 
answer  to  the  energetic  remonstrances  of  the  ex-Queen  of 

She  arrived  at  Aix  on  July  17th.  Outside  the  town  she  was 
met  by  General  Count  Neipperg,  an  officer  and  diplomatist  of 
proved  ability  and  distinguished  manners.  He  wore  a  large 
piece  of  black  silk  over  the  upper  part  of  his  face,  having 
lost  one  eye  from  a  wound.  Meneval  says  that  his  appearance 
gave  Marie  Louise  a  disagreeable  impression  which  she  did  not 
dissimulate.  Neipperg  had  a  wife,  whom  he  had  married  to 
make  legitimate  her  children. 

The  feminine  point  of  view  with  regard  to  Neipperg  has 
been  thus  expressed  :^  "  He  had  lost  an  eye  in  the  war, 
and  a  scar  that  reached  obliquely  across  his  face  was  con- 
cealed by  a  black  bandage,  which  gave  his  countenance  a 
singular  attraction,  on  account  of  the  contrast  between  the 
refined,  gentle  features  and  this  proof  of  bravery.  He  had 
eloped  with  a  married  woman,  and  by  her  he  had  a  large 

Neipperg's  instructions  were  that  he  was,  "  without  arous- 
ing suspicion,  to  report  what  goes  on.  He  must  assist  the 
Empress  with  his  counsels  and  his  presence,  and  if  he  cannot 
in  any  way  prevent  her  from  repairing  to  the  island  of  Elba, 
at  least  he  must  accompany  her."  The  Empress  was  on 
French  soil,  and  surrounded  by  a  French  suite,  Corvisart, 
Isabey,  Talma,  Bausset,  Cussy,  and  the  Duchesse  de  Monte- 
bello.  It  was  General  Neipperg's  task  to  counteract  all  that 
influence.  He  succeeded  in  a  degree  and  a  manner  that  had 
not  been  anticipated,  for  he  was  soon  a  personal  friend  of 
the  Empress,  and  shortly  afterwards  her  lord  and  master. 

To  suppose  that  he  was  chosen  with  the  hope  and  expecta- 
tion that  he  would  seduce  her,  is  to  give  the  Emperor  Francis 
credit  for  a  more  remarkable  intelligence  than  he  possessed. 
The  names  of  several  persons  of  whom  he  knew  little  having 
been  proposed,  he  referred  the  matter  to  Schwartzenberg, 
1  "  Napoleon's  Sou,"  by  Clara  Tschudi^  p.  113. 


who  chose  General  Neipperg,  whom  he  had  ah'eady  presented 
to  Napoleon  at  the  Tuileries  four  years  before,  and  whose 
division  happened  at  the  time  to  be  stationed  on  the  Savoy 
frontier.     That  was  how  Neipperg  came  to  be  appointed. 

At  this  time  it  was  the  intention  of  Marie  Louise  to  go  to 
Parma  as  soon  as  her  cure  was  finished.  She  was  most 
anxious  to  find  herself  once  more  a  reigning  sovereign, 
with  the  dignity  and  comparative  independence  of  that 

On  the  9th  August  Bertrand  wrote  to  Meneval  :  "  The 
Emperor  expects  the  Empress  at  the  end  of  August,  and 
desires  that  she  should  bring  her  son  with  her."  Marie 
Louise  had  not  received  news  of  that  letter  when  she  wrote 
to  Meneval,  who  was  not  in  attendance  at  Aix,  on  the  15th 
August,  the  birthday  of  Napoleon  and  fete  day  of  her  son  : 
"  How  can  I  be  gay  on  the  fifteenth,  when  I  am  obliged  to 
pass  that  festival  so  solemn  for  me,  far  away  from  the  two 
people  who  are  most  dear  to  me  ?  "  She  was  not  obliged. 
She  could  have  gone  to  Napoleon  even  now  if  she  had 
been  determined  to  do  so,  as  the  instructions  to  Neipperg 

When  women  like  Queen  Caroline  reminded  her  of  her 
plain  obligations,  she  tried  to  want  to  go  to  her  husband, 
spoke  as  if  she  would  certainly  do  so,  betook  herself  to 
affectionate  expressions,  but  the  actual  wish  to  go  would  not 
come.  She  had  been  brought  up  to  consider  two  things  only, 
the  authority  of  her  father  and  her  own  inclinations. 

She  was  to  be  disappointed  in  her  hope  of  being  able  to 
go  from  Aix  to  take  possession  of  the  Parma  territories,  for 
the  Congress  of  Vienna  had  not  concluded  its  deliberations, 
and  Bourbon  claims  were  being  put  forward.  On  the  19th 
August  she  wrote  accordingly  to  her  father,  that  she  had  asked 
General  Neipperg  to  accompany  her  on  a  journey  to  Switzer- 
land during  September  ;  and  that  she  would  then,  expecting 
the  Congress  to  be  over,  return  to  Vienna,  and  arrive  there 
early  in  October. 


The  cure  being  finished,  Marie  Louise  set  out  for  Switzer- 
land with  Madame  de  Brignole  and  General  Neipperg  as  her 
principal  attendants,  of  whom  the  former  had  never  liked 
Napoleon  and  the  latter  had  always  hated  him.  At  Berne 
they  met  Caroline,  Princess  of  Wales.  After  a  day  of  excur- 
sion together,  Marie  Louise  and  Caroline  sang  duets  in  the 
evening  in  the  hotel,  accompanied  by  Neipperg,  who  was 
an  excellent  musician.  "La  ci  darem  la  mano  "  was  not 
beyond  their  powers. 

On  the  22nd  September  she  wrote  to  her  father  :  "I  have 
received  a  letter  from  the  Emperor  which  is  quite  insignificant; 
he  speaks  only  of  his  health,  and  says  absolutely  nothing 
about  his  wish  to  have  me  go  to  the  island  of  Elba."  Making 
the  most  of  the  fact  that  Napoleon  had  written  to  her  a 
letter  in  which  he  omitted  to  ask  her  to  join  him,  his  wife 
decided  that  she  w^ould  not  go  to  Elba  direct.  From  Parma 
she  might,  a  reigning  sovereign,  pay  Napoleon  occasional 
visits.  She  had  given  up  the  effort  to  force  herself  to  want  to 
live  with  her  husband,  and  felt  much  relieved  at  the  termina- 
tion of  the  struggle,  with  the  assumption  of  his  indifference 
as  the  excuse. 

She  was  now  finding  pleasure  in  the  society  of  another  man. 
Neipperg's  influence  was  already  great.  By  the  time  the 
Swiss  journey  had  been  completed  Marie  Louise  had  turned 
altogether  against  Napoleon.  She  wrote  to  her  father  that 
she  had  within  a  week  received  two  officers  from  Napoleon 
with  letters  in  which  he  told  her  to  start  at  once  for  Elba, 
where  he  awaited  her  with  much  impatience,  and  that  she 
had  replied  verbally  that  she  was  going  to  Vienna,  and  could 
not  make  the  journey  without  his  (her  father's)  permission. 
"  Be  assured,"  she  continued,  "  that  I  am  now  less  than  ever 
desirous  of  undertaking  that  voyage,  and  I  give  you  my  word 
of  honour  that  I  will  never  undertake  it  without  first  asking 
your  permission." 

So  Napoleon  still  wanted  her.  In  spite  of  that  patent  fact 
she  had  made  up  her  mind  that  she  would  give  him  up 


altogether.  She  would  not  go  without  her  father's  per- 
mission, and  she  knew  she  would  never  get  that  permission. 
This  was  the  final  decision. 

On  the  4th  October  Marie  Louise  was  back  at  Schoenbrunn, 
where  she  found  her  son  in  good  health.  From  this  time 
she  remained  under  Austrian  influence.  She  had  already 
ceased  to  correspond  with  Napoleon,  who  was  reduced  to 
write,  on  the  10th  October,  a  very  supplicating  letter  to  her 
uncle,  the  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany,  as  follows  : — 

"  My  Brother  and  very  dear  Uncle, — Not  having 
received  news  of  my  wife  since  the  10th  August,  nor  of  my 
son  for  six  months,  I  am  charging  Chevalier  Colonna  with  this 
letter.  I  beg  Your  Royal  Highness  to  let  me  know  whether 
you  will  allow  me  to  address  to  you  every  week  a  letter  for  the 
Empress,  and  will  send  me  in  return  news  of  her  and  the 
letters  of  the  Comtesse  de  Montesquieu,  my  son's  governess. 
I  flatter  myself  that  in  spite  of  the  events  which  have  changed 
so  many  persons.  Your  Royal  Highness  preserves  for  me 
some  friendship  ;  if  you  should  be  pleased  to  give  me  a  formal 
assurance  to  that  effect  I  should  receive  a  sensible  consolation .' ' 

This  letter  was  not  acknowledged  by  the  Grand  Duke,  who 
sent  it  on  to  the  Emperor  Francis,  who  read  it  and  then 
allowed  Marie  Louise  to  see  it,  with  strict  orders  not  to  reply. 
Napoleon  was  obliged  to  desist  from  his  efforts  to  communi- 
cate with  her.  He  obtained  news  from  time  to  time,  through 
Bertrand,  from  Meneval.  On  the  1st  January,1815, Marie  Louise 
wrote  to  Napoleon  for  the  first  time  since  the  10th  August, 
but  only  some  formal  lines,  with  the  compliments  of  the 
season,  and  news  of  the  health  of  his  son.  That  was  the  last 
communication  he  ever  received  from  his  wife. 

Just  at  first,  when  she  was  ready  to  join  Napoleon  at 
Fontainebleau,  his  pride  stood  in  the  way,  and  to  that  extent 
the  fault  was  his.  But  afterwards,  when  he  called  imploringly 
for  her,  she  should  have  gone  to  him.     There  is  ample 


feminine  support  for  this  opinion.  We  have  already  recorded 
the  strong  words  of  her  grandmother.  Queen  CaroHne.  Lady 
Burghersh  was  even  more  emphatic.  She  wrote  :  "I  think 
she  is  a  monster,  for  she  pretended  to  love  him,  and  he  was 
always  good  to  her.  It  is  revolting  in  her  to  abandon  him 
in  misfortune,  after  having  affected  to  adore  him  in  pros- 
perity." There  were  near  examples  to  show  her  the  way. 
The  Princess  Augusta  refused  to  abandon  her  husband, 
Eugene  Beauharnais,  stepson  of  Napoleon,  in  spite  of  the 
commands  and  threats  of  her  father,  the  King  of  Bavaria. 
Caroline  of  WUrtemberg  also  resisted  the  pressure  brought 
upon  her  to  desert  her  husband,  Jerome,  Napoleon's 
brother.  These  women  had  been  just  as  much  "  sacrificed  " 
for  the  sake  of  their  country  as  was  the  Austrian  Grand 
Duchess.  But  Marie  Louise,  as  she  admitted  one  day  to 
Napoleon,  was  a  selfish  woman.  Only  by  compulsion  could 
she  be  brought  to  do  anything  she  did  not  like.  If  at  first 
one  must  have  some  sympathy  for  her — ^and  also  for  the  other 
Iphigenias — that  feeling,  in  her  case,  has  to  give  way  to 

The  conduct  of  the  Emperor  Francis  was  also  contemptible. 
He  was  ashamed  of  having  been  compelled  to  give  his  daugh- 
ter to  a  parvenu,  and  was  anxious  to  put  an  end  to  the 
connection  as  soon  as  possible,  in  order  to  wipe  out  the 
memory  of  the  transaction.  Pride  of  blood  was  the  source 
both  of  the  father's  command  and  the  daughter's  ready 
obedience.  They  had  accepted  the  connection  with  Napoleon 
when  he  was  great  and  powerful,  and  repudiated  it  when  he 
had  fallen.    They  had  the  pride  of  birth,  but  not  of  honour. 

The  unfortunate  offspring  of  the  marriage  could  not  be 
ignored  or  sent  into  exile,  but  as  he  grew  up  he  found  that  he 
was  in  the  way,  that  nobody  wanted  him,  not  even  his 
mother.  The  character  of  Marie  Louise  is  painfully  exposed 
by  the  indifference  she  showed  to  her  son's  welfare.  There 
were,  of  course,  demonstrations  of  affection  from  time  to 
time,  but  the  unhappy  lad  could  not  fail  to  perceive  that  his 


presence  reminded  his  mother  disagreeably  of  her  conduct 
to  Napoleon. 

The  Comtesse  de  Montesquieu  wrote  to  her  husband  : 
"  If  he  had  a  mother  I  would  put  him  into  her  hands,  and  I 
should  be  blameless.  But  he  has  nothing  like  a  mother  1 
This  person  is  more  indifferent  to  her  child's  lot  than  the 
most  careless  of  the  strangers  who  wait  upon  him."  A  hundred 
years  later  Clara  Tschudi  writes  :  "  She  had  no  shadow  of 
excuse  for  leaving  him,  or  for  renouncing  his  rights  ;  nor  for 
submitting  to  his  being  brought  up  by  strangers,  and  losing 
both  health  and  spirits,  mainly  for  want  of  love,  at  the  Court 
of  Austria.  And  least  of  all  can  we  forgive  and  forget  that 
she  arrived  so  late  at  his  death-bed,  and  then  merely  after 
being  urged  by  strangers  to  go  to  him.  As  a  mother  she 
deserves  the  crushing  judgment  that  contemporary  and  later 
days  have  passed  on  her." 

Josephine,  as  the  poor  Due  de  Reichstadt  admitted  to  his 
friend  de  Prokesch  Oken,  would  not  have  deserted  her 
husband  and  neglected  her  son.  She  would  have  seen  more 
of  her  son,  from  whom  Marie  Louise  was  content  to  be  separ- 
ated unnecessarily  for  long  periods.  She  would  not  have 
let  him  die  of  neglect  and  despair.  This  mother,  after  some 
foolish  tears  about  his  grave,  in  her  heart  of  hearts  was  glad 
that  her  son  was  no  longer  alive  to  torment  her  conscience. 

If  Marie  Louise  had  joined  her  husband  at  Elba  ;  if  she  had 
even  kept  her  son  alive  ;  the  course  of  world  events  would 
have  been  very  different.  She  had  it  in  her  power  to  change 
the  whole  face  of  European  history  in  the  nineteenth  century. 



WHEN  he  first  arrived  at  Elba  Napoleon's  physical 
energy  was  very  trying  to  those  who  had  to 
accompany  him.  Campbell,  after  mentioning 
his  "  restless  perseverance  "  and  "  pleasure  in 
perpetual  movement,"  adds  :  "  I  do  not  think  it  possible 
for  him  to  sit  down  to  study,  on  any  pursuits  of  retirement, 
as  proclaimed  by  him  to  be  his  intention,  so  long  as  his  state 
of  health  permits  corporeal  exercise.  After  being  yesterday 
on  foot  in  the  heat  of  the  sun  from  5  a.m.  to  3  p.m.,  visiting 
the  frigates  and  transports,  and  even  going  down  the  hold 
among  the  horses,  he  rode  on  horseback  for  three  hours,  as 
he  told  me  afterwards,  'pcur  se  defatiguer.'"  That  was  an 
exceptional  day,  owing  to  the  arrival  of  the  Guard,  but 
throughout  the  early  part  of  his  sojourn  at  Elba  he  was  in 
such  "  perpetual  movement  "  as  to  suggest  a  condition  of 
excitement  and  hysterical  restlessness.  Pons  says  that 
sometimes  he  became  much  exhausted.  One  day  "  the 
Emperor  was  visibly  fatigued.  It  was  a  day  of  very  obvious 
distress.  We  begged  him  to  go  in  ;  he  replied  :  '  One  should 
never  recoil  at  the  first  difficulty.'  "^  To  drown  thought,  to 
produce  a  physical  exhaustion  which  might  assist  sleep,  and 
also  to  satisfy  his  boyish  curiosity.  Napoleon  careered  over 
the  island  in  every  direction  until,  as  he  observed,  he  "  knew 
it  by  heart." 

One  of  his  expeditions  was  to  the  romantically  situated 

1  Campbell,  p.  243 ;  PonSj  p.  125. 

THE  MAN  AT  ELBA  225 

chapel  of  Monte  Serrato.  He  went  on  horseback  with 
Bertrand  and  Pons  as  companions,  followed  by  the  retinue 
of  attendants. 

The  chapel  and  hermitage  of  Monte  Serrato  stand  on  a 
small  eminence  in  a  valley,  on  a  mass  of  debris  thrown  up 
in  the  centre  of  a  crater.  The  hermits,  following  each  other 
for  centuries,  have  succeeded  in  surrounding  their  dwelling 
with  cultivated  land,  carrying  grass,  vines,  fruit,  and  vege- 
tables. Cork  trees,  figs,  aloes,  and  chestnuts  grow  in  pro- 
fusion. In  front  of  the  hermitage  was  a  spacious  terrace 
surrounded  and  covered  by  a  wooden  trellis,  or  pergola, 
made  of  the  stems  of  aloes,  over  which  vines  had  been 
trained,  forming  a  pleasant  outdoor  shelter  and  place  for 
dining  during  the  hot  weather. 

On  Sunday  a  priest  came  to  say  Mass  in  the  chapel.  The 
resident  hermit  told  Napoleon  that  formerly  the  sailors  had 
entertained  a  great  belief  in  the  power  of  the  Madonna  of 
Monte  Serrato,  but  that  they  had  lost  their  confidence,  and 
at  that  time  were  ordering  very  few  Masses.  "  That  wiDL 
continue,"  said  he,  "  until  the  Virgin  performs  a  good 

The  valley  was  singularly  smiling  and  peaceful  on  a  fine 
day.  Napoleon,  with  his  taste  for  tragedy,  remarked  that 
in  a  storm  it  would  be  dark  and  awful,  with  the  thunder 
reverberating  from  side  to  side.  The  hermit  told  him  that 
thunderbolts  fell  often,  but  they  had  never  touched  the 
hermitage,  whereupon  Napoleon  said  that  it  was  protected 
by  having  high  sharp-pointed  hills  around.  The  hermit 
objected  that  it  was  better  for  people  to  believe  in  the  pro- 
tection of  the  Virgin,  to  which  Napoleon  replied  that  he 
would  not  prevent  them  from  doing  so,  but  he  added  that 
their  religion  had  in  it  so  much  truth  that  it  did  not  requiie 
to  be  supported  by  assertions  which  were  not  really  true. 

"  By  a  happy  precaution,"  says  the  ingenuous  Pons,  "  the 
Emperor  had  brought  a  collation  ;  we  devoured  it,  we  all 
had  good  appetites.    The  Emperor  was  very  pleased  to  see 


us  eat  '  like  conscripts  who  have  just  finished  a  good  piece 
of  work.'  That  was  one  of  his  expressions  which  denoted 
satisfaction.  The  Emperor  was  as  gay  as  the  rest  of  us  ; 
such  moments  were  indeed  moments  of  happiness.  But 
there  was  a  time  of  profound  silence.  The  Emperor  was 
sleeping,  for  a  quarter  of  an  hour,  in  his  chair."  ^ 

The  Monte  Serrato  picnic  was  the  last  of  the  ener- 
getic expeditions.  On  20th  September  Campbell  writes  : 
"  Napoleon  has  four  places  of  residence  in  different  parts 
of  the  island,  and  the  improvements  and  changes  of  these 
form  his  sole  occupation.  But  as  they  lose  their  interest  to 
his  unsettled  mind,  and  the  novelty  wears  off,  he  occasionally 
falls  into  a  state  of  inactivity  never  known  before,  and  has 
of  late  retired  to  his  bedroom  for  repose  during  several  hours 
of  the  day.  If  he  takes  exercise  it  is  in  a  carriage,  and  not  on 
horseback  as  before.  His  health,  however,  is  excellent  and 
his  spirits  not  at  all  depressed."  Evidence  to  the  same  effect 
was  furnished  to  Angles  in  Paris  by  a  groom  who  had  been 
in  the  imperial  stable  at  Portoferraio.  He  said  that 
Napoleon  was  well  but  had  grown  very  fat,  and  had  given 
up  horseback  exercise,  going  out  only  on  foot  or  in  his 
carriage.  Later  Campbell  again  writes  :  "  Napoleon  never 
takes  exercise,  excepting  in  a  carriage  drawn  by  four  horses, 
and  accompanied  by  Generals  Bertrand  and  Drouot,  who 
sit  uncovered,  whatever  may  be  the  state  of  the  weather, 
while  passing  through  the  town  and  fortifications."* 

Vincent  wrote  of  Napoleon  :  "  He  is  always  wanting  trees 
and  nothing  seems  to  please  him  more  than  the  view  of  an 
oak.  I  doubt,  however,  whether  he  would  not  have  the  trees 
which  are  around  cut  down  if  he  saw  them  often  and  for 
long.  He  wants  incessant  change."*  This  desire  for  novelty 
is  visible  throughout  Napoleon's  career.  He  blamed  himself 
at  St.  Helena,  that  he  could  not  wait  to  finish  with  Spain 

1  Pons,  p.  267. 

2  Firmiu-Didot,  "  Royaute  ou  Empire,"  p.  7-4.     Campbell,  pp.  305,  354. 

3  "Memoires  de  Tours/'  Vol.  Ill,  p.  204. 

THE  MAN  AT  ELBA  227 

before  beginning  with  Russia.  He  could  not  resist  the  new 
adventure.  The  writings  of  his  youth  show  the  same  tendency. 
He  took  notes  of  the  books  he  was  reading,  works  on  history, 
or  science,  or  philosophy,  but  he  never  went  on  to  the  end 
of  a  book.  He  always  threw  it  down  before  he  had  finished 
it.  When,  as  at  Elba,  and  subsequently  at  St.  Helena, 
there  was  nothing  new  to  be  done  or  seen,  he  spent  much  of 
his  time  lying  on  his  bed,  in  sulky  indolence,  turning  over 
the  leaves  of  one  book  after  another,  or  working  out  calcula- 
tions for  improvements  which  he  had  no  intention  of  in- 
augurating. He  made  no  preparation  for  writing  that 
history  of  his  achievements  which  he  had  spoken  of  when 
leaving  Fontainebleau.  He  did  not  regard  his  public  life  as 
at  an  end  ;  the  time  for  biography  had  not  arrived.  He 
still  hoped  that  something  would  happen  to  change  his 
fortune,  but  in  the  meantime,  while  waiting  for  events,  he 
was  putting  on  fat  both  physically  and  mentally.  His  portli- 
ness was  developing  into  corpulence,  and  though  he  was 
often  animated  and  gay  there  were  periods  when  he  would 
be  pensive  and  silent  for  days  on  end.^ 

Napoleon  was  an  intermittent  sleeper.  He  retired  early 
and  would  be  awake  often  before  three  ;  he  would  then  rise 
and  go  into  his  library,  and  sometimes,  would  obtain  more 
sleep,  after  an  interval.  If  he  did  not  wake  till  after  four 
he  would  have  a  strong  cup  of  coffee,  and  regard  the  day  as 
having  commenced.  In  the  summer  he  often  drove  to  San 
Martino  at  five  in  the  morning,  and  returned  to  Portoferraio 
for  breakfast  at  ten.  In  the  afternoon,  at  five  or  six,  he  might 
go  for  another  drive,  or  stroll  about  in  the  small  garden  of 
the  Mulini  Palace.  His  habits  were  irregular  and  his  atten- 
dants had  to  be  prepared  for  a  summons  at  any  hour  of  the 
day  or  night. 

It  was  difficult  to  pass  the  time,  and  his  followers  felt  the 
monotony  as  much  as  Napoleon  himself.  Even  Drouot 
found  that  his  loyalty  to  the  Emperor  was  subjected  to  an 

'  Firmin-Didot,  '' Royaute  ou  Empire/'  p.  137. 


overpowering  trial.  He  asked  to  be  allowed  to  resign  his 
post  and  return  to  France  ;  but  the  request  was  rejected. 
It  was  terrible  for  Napoleon  to  find  that  the  whole  of  his 
suite,  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest,  wished  to  be  in  a 
jDosition  to  leave  him.  The  Guards  were  grumbling  at  the 
dullness  of  their  lives,  petitioning  to  be  allowed  to  visit  their 
relations  in  France  (with  the  design  of  remaining  there 
permanently),  or  taking  their  own  leave  and  deserting. 
This  discontent  of  the  Guard,  and  the  publicity  they  gave 
to  it,  was  most  galling  to  Napoleon.  It  touched  his  pride 
to  feel  that  even  his  old  soldiers  wanted  to  leave  him,  and 
that  all  the  world  knew  it.  He  learned  of  their  saying  to 
each  other  that  the  island  was  "  a  good  refuge  for  a  fox." 
He  went  amongst  them,  spending  hours  at  a  time  in  their 
quarters,  tasting  their  food,  enquiring  about  complaints, 
entering  into  easy  and  familiar  talk,  calling  them  openly  his 
grumblers.  "  Well,  grumbler,"  he  said  one  day  to  a  ser- 
geant, "  thou  art  bored  ?  "  "  No,  sire,  but  I  am  not  too 
much  amused  all  the  same."  "  Thou  art  wrong,  things  must 
be  taken  as  they  come,"  and  putting  a  Napoleon  in  the 
man's  hand  he  moved  away  humming  the  air  to  the  words  : 

^a  ne  durera  pas  toujours, 
^a  ne  durera  pas  toujours.^ 

To  make  up  for  the  losses  bj''  desertion,  Napoleon  sent  out 
recruiting  agents  to  Corsica  and  Italy.  French  and  Austrian 
officials  were  employed  to  impede  this  traffic.  Brulart, 
Governor  of  Corsica,  threatened  severe  measures  against 
any  person  attempting  to  draw  Corsicans  away,  and  the 
French  frigates  Melpornene  and  Fleur-de-Lys  were  sent  to 
cruise  off  the  coast,  with  special  instructions  to  interfere 
with  the  communications  between  Elba  and  Corsica. 

In  Tuscany  some  of  Napoleon's  agents  were  seized  and 
imprisoned.  Guasco,  the  commander  of  Napoleon's  Corsican 
battalion,   protested  in  a  letter  of  the   19th   July,    1814, 

1  Peyrusse,  p.  264,  gives  no  date,  but  says  this  was  "  in  the  later  days." 

THE  MAN  AT  ELBA  229 

addressed  to  the  Governor  of  Leghorn,  against  the  detention 
of  three  officers  of  the  Corsican  battaUon.  No  satisfaction 
being  received,  Droaot,  on  the  13th  August,  himself  wrote. 
He  said  that  Napoleon  did  not  desire  to  obtain  Italians, 
that  all  his  recruits  were  French  or  Corsicans  or  Poles, 
that  consequently  his  agents  had  not  offended  against 
Italian  laws  ;  if  they  had  done  wrong  they  should  be  sent  to 
Portoferraio  to  be  punished.  These  assurances  were  of  no 
avail,  but  the  Austrian  police  failed  to  stop  the  traffic, 
which  was,  after  all,  only  on  a  small  scale.  Napoleon  was 
entitled  to  raise  as  large  an  army  as  he  could  maintain. 
He  was  an  independent  Sovereign.  No  steps  had  been 
taken  to  cause  the  Elban  flag  to  be  respected,  in  spite  of 
the  explicit  undertakings  by  all  the  Powers,  France  included, 
by  the  5th  Article  of  the  Treaty  of  Fontainebleau.  Yet  this 
recruiting  of  a  handful  of  men  in  Corsica  or  Italy  was  given 
as  an  excuse  for  the  non-payment  of  the  pension. 

After  the  arrival  of  Pauline  on  the  30th  October,  1814, 
efforts  were  made  to  enliven  the  dullness  of  the  Elban 
existence.  Balls  and  banquets  and  theatricals  helped  to 
pass  the  time.  At  one  of  these  balls  the  Emperor  was  seated 
on  a  sofa  that  had  been  made  to  look  like  a  throne.  All  who 
passed  in  front  were  expected  to  bow.  Pauline  herself  was 
punctilious  in  this  matter,  but  she  was  outdone  by  the  In- 
tendant's  wife,  who  found  occasion  to  pass  and  repass  con- 
stantly before  the  Emperor,  bowing  low  with  great  ceremony 
on  each  occasion,  until  at  last  he  gave  clear  signs  of  annoy- 
ance. The  society  present  laughed  at  the  over-officious 
lady,  whereupon  Napoleon  made  a  point  of  being  excep- 
tionally affable  to  her. 

To  provide  amusement.  Napoleon  converted  the  church 
of  the  Carmelites  into  a  theatre,  much  to  the  indignation 
of  the  clergy.  1  He  declined  to  pay  for  the  work.  He  gave 
the  building,  though  it  may  be  doubted  whether  it  was 
legally  his  to  give,  and  he  issued  his  commands.  The  money 
'  Diary  of  bautoui,  2ud  August,  1814. 


was  found  by  selling  in  advance  the  boxes,  with  right  to 
their  use  for  life,  but  although  this  proved  a  very  satisfactory 
financial  expedient  it  set  the  whole  Portoferraio  society  by 
the  ears,  for  there  were  not  enough  boxes  in  the  first  tier  to 
satisfy  all  the  "  high  functionaries  "  and  "  great  families." 
Hence  much  jealousy  and  bitterness,  which  Pons  thought 
was  ridiculous,  for,  said  he,  "  We  were  all  of  the  same  height 
and  grandeur.  The  Emperor  levelled  us."  The  Elbans 
thought  there  were  gradations  of  level  and  quarrelled 
violently  about  these  boxes.  When  the  list  had  been 
finally  made  out,  the  proprietors  formed  themselves  into  a 
society  which  they  called  the  "  Accademia  dei  fortunati  " 
(Academy  of  the  fortunate  ones),  and  they  placed  on  the 
fa9ade  of  the  building  their  motto  :  "A  noi  la  sorte  "  (We 
have  the  luck).  The  reference  was  not,  as  might  be  supposed, 
to  their  having  obtained  boxes  ;  that  was  their  right,  as 
officials  and  leading  citizens.  Their  good  fortune  consisted 
in  the  presence  among  them  of  the  great  Napoleon. 

On  the  curtain  of  the  theatre  was  painted  Apollo  guarding 
his  sheep,  or,  Napoleon  and  the  Elbans.  On  the  arch  above, 
in  a  medallion,  was  a  figure  of  fortune  in  a  car — Napoleon 
and  Elba  again.  It  was  not  till  the  time  of  Carnival,  in 
January,  1815,  that  the  first  performance  took  place,  a 
company  of  strolling  players  having  arrived.  The  Emperor 
himself  was  present  in  the  central  box.  After  the  play  a 
fancy  ball  was  held  upon  the  stage,  and  dancing  was  kept  up 
till  morning.  Pauline  enchanted  all  in  her  Neapolitan 
costume,  which  Napoleon  can  hardly  have  approved.  At 
another  ball  she  appeared  in  the  non-political  dress  of  a 
shepherdess.  Pauline  also  took  part  in  the  amateur  per- 
formances given  in  the  small  theatre  which  Napoleon  con- 
structed in  an  outhouse  of  the  Mulini  Palace. 

Napoleon  arranged  for  a  number  of  balls  to  be  given  during 
Carnival.  His  instructions  to  Bert  rand  were  as  follows  : 
"  Portoferraio,  3rd  January,  1815.  On  Sunday,  the  8th  of 
the  month,  there  will  be  a  ball  in  the  grand  ballroom.    The 

THE  MAN  AT   ELBA  231 

invitations  must  be  sent  to-morrow  evening  ;  submit  the 
list  to  His  Majesty  to-morrow.  The  invitations  must  embrace 
the  whole  of  the  island,  without,  however,  going  beyond  a 
limit  of  two  hundred  persons.  They  will  be  for  nine  o'clock. 
The  refreshments  will  be  without  ices  on  account  of  the 
difficulty  of  getting  them.  There  will  be  a  supper  which  will 
be  served  at  midnight.  The  total  cost  of  all  that  must  not 
be  more  than  1000  francs. 

"  On  Sunday,  the  15th,  the  Academy  might  inaugurate  its 
theatre  and  give  a  masked  ball.  On  the  22nd  following  I 
might  give  another  ball.  On  the  29th  the  theatre  might  give 
another  masked  ball.  During  Carnival,  which  lasts  till  the 
8th  February,  there  will  be  two  masked  balls,  one  at  the 
theatre  and  one  at  the  palace. 

"  As  200  persons  is  the  maximum  that  we  can  invite, 
even  supposing  that  the  ballroom  will  hold  that  number, 
and  that  there  are  200  persons  in  the  island  to  invite,  150 
persons  might  be  invited,  always  the  same  ones,  to  the  first 
three  balls,  and  the  remaining  150  to  the  three  last  balls, 
so  that  they  may  have  invitations  to  the  end  of 

The  Guard  ushered  in  Carnival  by  a  procession  of  men 
wearing  the  usual  masks  and  long  noses.  They  buried 
Carnival  on  the  8th  of  February,  with  ceremony.  INIallet,  the 
Colonel,  led  the  funeral  cortege  dressed  as  a  Sultan,  riding 
"  Intendant,"  one  of  Napoleon's  famous  greys  ;  at  his  side  rode 
a  captain  of  the  Polish  Lancers,  a  tall  thin  man  on  a  miser- 
able angular  steed,  as  Don  Quixote  and  Rosinante.  Other 
officers  followed  in  similar  comic  costumes. 

Various  ladies  went  to  Elba  in  the  hope  of  finding  favour 
with  Napoleon.  One  of  them,  a  certain  Comtesse  de  Rohan 
^lignac,  brought  her  son,  and  declared  that  the  Emperor 
was  the  child's  father.  She  was  an  adventuress,  but  con- 
trived to  be  received  by  Drouot,  Bertrand,  and  even  the 
Emperor  himself.    At  the  fete  given  on  the  occasion  of  the 

^  Correspoudauce,  No.  21665. 


arrival  of  Pauline  she  received  an  invitation  to  the  imperial 
table,  but  her  attempt  to  obtain  a  seat  there  for  her  son  did 
not  succeed  ;  and  receiving  no  encouragement  to  stay,  she 
left  Elba  before  Napoleon's  departure.  She  confessed  to  the 
age  of  forty. 

Younger  ladies  played  havoc  with  the  French,  and  several 
marriages  took  place.  Drouot  himself,  the  austere  phil- 
osopher, was  overcome  by  the  tender  passion.  Signorina 
Henrietta  Vantini,  daughter  of  one  of  Napoleon's  chamber- 
lains, wished  to  learn  French  and  Drouot  wished  to  learn 
Italian  ;  and  so  they  met  to  exchange  conversation.  Drouot 
was  forty  years  of  age,  and  he  had  never  been  more  than 
passable  in  appearance.  However,  he  was  an  officer  of 
distinction,  and  a  worthy  man.  The  marriage  was  arranged. 
But  Drouot,  like  Gourgaud  at  St.  Helena,  was  devoted  to  his 
mother,  and  Drouot's  mother  refused  her  consent  to  the 
match.  Drouot  thereupon  broke  it  off.  Some  said  that 
Signorina  Henrietta  had  been  touched  first,  had  become 
dreamy,  and  appeared  to  be  in  a  decline,  that  her  mother 
had  told  Drouot  the  state  of  the  case,  and  that  it  was  only 
then  that  he  felt  bound  to  present  himself  ;  and  there  were 
persons  capable  of  hinting  that  Drouot  fell  back  upon  his 
own  mother  in  self-defence.  However  that  may  be,  the  young 
lady  was  charming  and  desirable  in  every  way,  and  ultimately 
made  a  suitable  marriage. 

Napoleon  was  much  interested  in  what  Pons  called  the 
"astonishing  metamorphosis  of  General  Drouot.  He  amused 
himself  without  reserve  in  the  amorous  awkwardness  of  the 
philosopher  ;  he  even  embroidered  a  little  the  stories  he  told 
about  it."i  We  can  well  imagine  it;  and  the  embroidery 
would  not  be  of  the  most  refined  nature. 

Pons  thought  that  Napoleon  was  pleased  at  the  rupture  of 
the  engagement ;  and  he  says  that  Campbell  put  a  political 
complexion  upon  the  affair,  followed  it  with  great  attention, 
and  considered  the  conclusion  an  event  of  State  importance. 

1  Tons,  p.  173. 




From  a  French  laricalure  of  1S14 

THE  MAN  AT  ELBA  233 

The  fact  that  Napoleon  did  not  wish  Drouot  to  contract  a 
tie  to  Elba  was  certainly  of  some  significance. 

Pauline  and  Drouot  dined  habitually  at  the  Mulini  Palace, 
the  Bertrands  seldom.  Madame  Bertrand  was  an  un- 
punctual  woman,  and  she  had  the  rudeness  to  indulge  that 
weakness  even  when  invited  to  dine  with  Napoleon,  with 
the  result  that,  his  meals  being  hurried  over  in  great  haste, 
she  would  arrive  when  dinner  was  nearly  finished.  As  she 
could  not  accommodate  herself  to  his  time,  Napoleon  ceased 
to  invite  her. 

In  the  winter  evenings  Napoleon  always  had  the  society  of 
his  mother,  his  sister  Pauline,  and  their  suites.  They  would 
play  games  of  cards,  chess,  reversi,  dominoes,  etc.  When 
Napoleon  was  losing  at  cards  he  cheated  without  scruple, 
and  all  submitted  with  such  grace  as  they  could  muster, 
except  the  stern  Corsican  lady,  who  in  her  decided  tone 
would  say,  "  Napoleon,  you  are  cheating."  To  this  he  would 
reply  :  "  Madame,  you  are  rich,  you  can  afford  to  lose,  but 
I  am  poor  and  must  win."  The  game  would  go  on  and  again 
Letizia  would  insist  that  her  son  was  attempting  to  rob  her, 
which  she  would  not  tolerate.  When  matters  had  reached 
that  point  Napoleon  put  a  summary  end  to  the  tracasserie 
by  sweeping  all  the  money  on  the  table  into  his  pocket  and 
retiring  with  it  into  his  bedroom.  Next  day  Marchand 
would  be  given  the  money  to  return  to  its  owners,  with  such 
justice  and  exactitude  as  might  then  be  possible. 

The  Bonapartes  did  not  like  paying  up.  Letizia  did  not 
cheat — perhaps  she  had  not  the  ability — but  she  forgot  to 
pay  ;  and  the  only  one  present  who  dared  to  remind  her  was 
her  son,  with  the  firm  remark  :  "  Pay  your  debts,  Madame." 
What  with  the  cheating  of  the  Emperor  and  Madame  Mere's 
forgetfulness  in  paying,  these  games  must  have  had  their 
painful  moments  for  the  members  of  the  suite. 

Napoleon  enjoyed  music,  though  his  taste  was  unculti- 
vated. Retiring  early,  usually  at  nine,  he  would  give  the 
signal  by  playing  on  the  piano,  with  one  finger,  the  first  few 


bars  of  the  symphony  popularly  known  as  "  Haydn's  Sur- 

Early  in  January  there  was  a  fall  of  snow,  which  the  Elbans 
told  their  French  visitors  was  a  unique  experience,  but  in 
this  they  were  not  exact,  as  a  considerable  fall  may  occur 
any  winter.  On  these  occasions  the  island  seen  from  the 
mainland  presents  a  beautiful  spectacle  on  a  clear  winter's 
day.  Except  when  the  icy  tramontana  was  blowing  Napoleon 
and  Pauline  were  often  in  their  boats  in  the  harbour  of 
Portoferraio,  and  sometimes  made  short  coasting  expeditions. 
Pauline  in  general  behaved  as  an  invalid,  being  carried  up 
and  down  the  stairways  in  a  sedan-chair  ;  but  though  her 
health  certainly  did  need  consideration,  she  was  always 
capable  of  dancing  half  through  the  night.  Pauline  had 
tried  to  induce  others  of  the  family  to  join  the  Emperor  at 
Elba.  In  a  letter  to  her  mother  of  the  25th  June,  1814,  she 
said  that  both  Elise  and  Joseph  had  promised  to  join 
Napoleon  :  "  We  must  not  leave  the  Emperor  quite  alone  ; 
it  is  now  that  he  is  unhappy  that  we  should  show  him  affec- 
tion; at  least,  that  is  my  feeling."  But  the  other  members 
of  the  family  kept  aloof.  They  had  been  too  mercilessly 
snubbed  and  bullied  ;  and  there  was  still  the  disagreeable 
barrier  of  imperial  etiquette. 

Napoleon  was  glad  to  have  Pauline  with  him  for  the  sake 
of  her  society,  and  also  because  her  frivolous  reputation  and 
the  round  of  gaiety  which  it  excused,  tended  to  divert 
attention  from  himself.  The  report  was  spread  that  the 
great  Napoleon  had  degenerated,  that  he  had  taken  to  light 
amusements,  and  had  lost  the  severity  of  his  disposition. 
Though  his  vanity  was  hurt,  yet  the  rumours  of  his  decadence 
were  welcome,  in  so  far  as  they  tended  to  lull  Europe  into 
security.  Youth  had  always  been  on  the  side  of  Napoleon 
in  his  contests  with  the  aged  commanders  of  Europe.  Fresh- 
ness of  view  ;  quickness  of  decision  ;  courage  and  even  reck- 
lessness in  putting  matters  to  the  touch  ;  these  boyish 
qualities  had  been,  from  the  first,  marked  features  of  his 

THE  MAN  AT  ELBA  235 

character.  In  the  trivial  existence  at  Elba,  it  was  natural 
enough  that  the  light-hearted  side  of  the  man  should  lead  to 
incidents  which  observers  regarded  as  evidence  of  childish 
frivolity.  Pons  says  that  Napoleon  loved  gossip  and  scandal 
and  favoured  the  society  of  those  who  gratified  his  inclina- 
tions. This  tendency  explained  his  preference  for  the 
society  of  a  certain  lady  and  her  daughter  at  Longone. 
"  There  was  absolutely  nothing  in  them  to  fix  seriously  the 
attention  of  such  a  man  as  the  Emperor,"  but  they  brought 
him  all  the  small  and  spicy  talk  of  the  place,  which  he  en- 
joyed. Under  the  influence  of  that  kind  of  conversation 
Napoleon  proceeded  to  acts  which  scandalised  the  good 
Elbans.  He  would  walk  with  these  ladies  at  deserted  parts 
of  the  beach,  "  and  upon  the  border  of  the  sea,  the  Emperor 
amused  himself  with  them  at  games  which  are  called  innocent, 
though  their  innocence  has  never  been  established."^  We 
can  guess  what  they  were.  He  pushed  them  into  the  sea, 
and  laughed  at  their  screams  and  resistance.  That  was  all 
very  well  with  Josephine  at  Bayonne,  for  she  was  his  wife, 
but  with  other  ladies — Elba  was  scandalised,  and  the  world 

After  a  successful  day's  tunny  fishing  it  was  the  custom 
to  indulge  in  games  on  the  beach.  Napoleon  on  one  occasion 
joined  in.  He  even  proposed  one,  the  game  of  the  ring,  and 
suggested  that  the  ribbons  worn  by  the  ladies  present  should 
be  used  for  the  cord.  This  was  a  public  affair  and  it  caused 
a  sensation.  Portoferraio  talked  of  nothing  else  for  some 
days,  and  every  "lady"  of  the  island  claimed  that  Napoleon 
had  asked  for  her  ribbon,  had  talked  with  her,  walked  with 
her,  and  played  with  her  games  Avhose  innocence  had  not 
been  established.  Further  details,  unhappil}^  are  lacking, 
but  we  knov/  what  Napoleon  did  to  the  Grand  Marshal  of 
the  Five  Palaces.  He  slyly  put  into  his  pocket  several  small 
live  fish  that  he  had  picked  up  on  the  shore  ;  then  he  asked 
his  victim  for  the  use  of  his  handkerchief,  and  when  Bertrand 

'  Pons,  p.  2i8. 


put  his  hand  on  the  cold  and  wet  fish  wrigghng  in  his  pocket 
Napoleon  enjoyed  a  good  laugh. 

While  he  could  unbend  at  times  Napoleon  had  a  permanent 
passion  for  the  display  of  the  important  personage.  In  one 
of  his  lucid  intervals  he  would  say  :  "  We  are  no  longer  at 
Paris,"  but  he  could  not  keep  that  fact  always  in  mind. 
On  another  occasion  he  remarked  that  his  Court  was  like 
that  of  Sancho  Panza,  but  he  would  not  abate  the  etiquette 
of  the  Tuileries.^  He  wrote,  two  days  after  his  arrival,  that 
he  would  "  suppress  a  number  of  offices  which  are  useless  in 
a  small  country  and  which  have  originated  in  the  great 
organisation  of  France " ;  but  he  created  several  new 

To  three  officials  only  did  the  Emperor  accord  the  right 
of  being  addressed  in  correspondence  in  the  first  person  : 
the  Grand  Marshal  of  the  Palace,  the  Governor  of  the  island 
of  Elba,  and  the  Treasurer.  To  the  administrator  of  the 
mine  Napoleon  wrote,  "  The  Emperor  is  aware,"  etc.,  and 
Pons  immediately  protested.  The  question  was  carefully 
considered,  and  it  was  decided  that  in  Paris  such  an  official 
as  the  administrator  of  the  mines  would  not  have  had  the 
privilege  of  "  working  personally  with  the  Sovereign." 

All  his  dictation  at  Elba  consisted  of  orders  or  decrees. 
In  the  "  Correspondance  "  there  are  115,  and  of  these  all 
except  five  are  addressed  to  Bertrand  or  Drouot.  The 
"  Registre  "  contains  184  orders,  of  which  all  except  six 
are  to  Bertrand,  Drouot,  or  Peyrusse.  All  the  200  in  Lord 
Crawford's  collection  are  for  Drouot.  Bertrand,  Drouot, 
and  Peyrusse  were  in  attendance  nearly  all  day,  and  Drouot 
was  constantly  in  Napoleon's  society.  When  these  orders 
were  being  dictated  to  a  secretary  the  person  to  whom  they 
were  addressed  was  usually  close  at  hand  in  the  same  building, 
perhaps  in  the  next  room.     In  most  cases  a  verbal  order 

^  "  The  Emperor  of  Portoferraio  had  his  guard,  his  service,  his  hours  for 
work,  liis  hours  for  receptions,  ahsolutely  the  same  as  the  Emperor  of  the 
Tuileries.  The  etiquette  was  the  same^  but  the  crowd  was  less."  Bache- 
ville,  "  Voyages  des  freres,''  p.  31. 

THE  MAN  AT  ELBA  237 

would  have  been  better  understood  and  more  effective, 
while  the  saving  of  time  would  have  been  very  substantial. 

Decisions  about  trifles,  when  written  out  as  Orders  of 
State,  may  come  very  near  to  the  ridiculous.  The  Grand 
Marshal  of  the  Palace  presented  to  the  Emperor  the  following 
report  for  His  Majesty's  decision  :  "  Captain  Paoli  asks 
that  there  may  be  delivered  one  roll  of  bread  each  day  for 
the  sustenance  of  the  shooting  dogs.  I  have  the  honour  to 
propose  to  Your  Majesty  to  approve  that  thirty  rolls  of 
bread  per  month  be  delivered  to  Captain  Paoli.  The  Grand 
Marshal  Bertrand,  Portoferraio,  6th  January,  1815."  In 
the  margin  was  the  Emperor's  dictated  decision  :  "  Porto- 
ferraio, 17th  January,  1815.  The  regulation  bread  must  not 
be  given  to  the  shooting  dogs  ;  bran  bread  must  be  prepared 
for  the  purpose.  I  do  not  order  this  from  economy,  but  for 
decency.  Captain  Paoli  will  make  arrangements  accordingly 
with  a  baker.  It  will  be  paid  for  with  the  shooting  expenses, 
for  which  I  have  placed  on  the  budget  100  francs  a  month." ^ 

Here  is  an  order  to  Bertrand  :  "  Monsieur  Count  Bertrand, 
the  G^enoese  family  which  has  just  arrived,  and  also  the  two 
Guards  at  Saint  Martin,  will  be  under  the  order  of  the 
steward,  who  will  himself  be  under  the  order  of  M.  Lapi, 
from  whom  you  will  receive  reports  upon  important  matters 
which  require  to  be  decided."  Communications  thus  had 
to  pass  from  Napoleon  to  Bertrand,  to  M.  Lapi,  to  the 
steward,  and  thus  finally  to  the  Guard. 

A  note  to  Bertrand  :  "  M.  Allori  is  named  guardian  of  the 
cisterns  of  Portoferraio.  He  is  charged  especially  with  the 
supervision  of  all  work  upon  the  cisterns,  and  will  send  in  a 
daily  account  to  the  officer  of  the  Engineers,  who  will  send 
every  week  to  the  Governor  a  statement  of  the  condition  of 
the  cisterns,  of  the  amount  of  water  which  has  been  taken 
from  them  during  the  week,  and  what  remains.  The  Governor 
will  send  in  this  account  to  the  Emperor."  ^    The  Emperor 

1  Correspondance,  No.  215G7. 
^  Correspoiulauce,  No.  21G68. 


and  King  of  Elba,  having  his  chamberlains  and,  orderly 
officers  in  attendance,  with  the  Grand  Marshal  of  the  Palace 
and  the  Governor  of  the  kingdom  of  Elba  close  at  hand, 
dictated  to  his  secretary  an  order  to  be  delivered  to  the 
Grand  Marshal  of  the  Palace  by  one  of  the  officers  in  attend- 
ance. The  Grand  Marshal  of  the  Palace  would  send  the 
order  by  another  official  to  a  certain  Allori  to  inform  him 
that  he  had  been  appointed  to  the  new  post  of  "  Guardian 
of  the  cisterns  of  Portoferraio."  He  was  to  send  in  a  daily 
account  to  the  Engineer  officer,  who  was  to  send  in  a  weekly 
account  to  the  Governor  of  the  kingdom  of  Elba,  who  would 
forward  it  to  the  Emperor  and  King  of  Elba.  All  this  was 
in  the  manner  of  "  the  great  organisation  of  France."  What 
happened  at  Elba  was  that  when,  as  was  often  the  case,  no 
salary  was  attached  to  the  new  duties,  they  were  not  accom- 

The  personnel  of  Napoleon's  navy  amounted  altogether 
to  about  100  officers  and  sailors.  On  the  22nd  May  he 
issued  the  order  :  "  Drouot  will  bring  together  the  Com- 
missary of  the  Marine,  the  Captain  of  the  Fort,  and  the 
Commander  of  the  Fleet,  to  advise  as  to  the  division  of  the 
ship's  companies."^  Four  men  to  consult  together  on  a 
matter  which  would  have  been  better  executed  by  one. 

To  decide  how  the  rations  for  the  Marine  should  be  ob- 
tained, whether  (1)  by  a  contractor  for  all  the  rations,  or 
(2)  by  a  money  payment  to  the  captains  of  the  ships  who 
would  feed  their  men,  or  (3)  by  obtaining  the  bread  from  the 
director  of  the  land  rations  through  the  Commissary  of  War, 
and  the  remainder  of  the  ration  through  a  contractor, 
Napoleon  appointed  a  "  Council  of  Marine  composed  of  the 
Commander,  the  Commissary  of  Marine,  the  Commissary 
of  War,  and  the  Captain  of  the  Port."'  Here  was  another 
committee  of  four,  each  man  feeling  that  he  was  appointed 
to  keep  a  watchful  eye  on  his  colleagues. 

^  Correspondance,  No.  21570. 
'  Correspondance,  No.  21673. 

THE  MAN  AT  ELBA  239 

When  in  1796  the  Directory  proposed  to  give  to  General 
Bonaparte,  Commander  of  the  Army  of  Italy,  a  colleague, 
he  replied  :  "  One  bad  general  is  better  than  two  good  ones." 
But  that  aphorism  he  applied  only  to  his  own  case.  In 
Spain  his  policy  was  that  of  the  jealous  and  suspicious 
Directory.  He  divided  the  army  among  several  marshals 
because  he  was  afraid  of  the  prestige  and  power  that  a  single 
commander  might  have  obtained.  He  distrusted  everj'body 
but  himself. 

He  wrote  to  Bertrand  :  "I  desire  that  in  future  all  the 
furniture  which  may  come  from  Genoa  or  Leghorn  shall  be 
accepted  in  an  official  report  made  by  the  valet  upholsterer, 
the  caretaker,  and  Mr.  Deschamps,  who  will  decide  between 
them  the  question  of  quality  and  price.  These  decisions 
will  be  sent  to  the  Commissaries,  who  will  see  that  attention 
is  paid  to  their  being  forwarded.  Two  tables  from  Genoa 
have  been  received  which  are  already  incapable  of  being 
used.  I  shall  take  the  small  desk  which  has  come  from 
Leghorn,  if  it  has  not  gone  :  it  will  be  of  use  for  me  at  Saint 

When  the  secretary  had  copied  out  this  order  Napoleon 
initialled  it  and  gave  it  to  one  of  his  orderlies,  who  took  it 
to  the  Grand  Marshal,  who  had  three  copies  made  by  his 
secretary,  and  sent  one  to  each  of  the  officials  concerned,  who 
were  probably  in  the  Mulini  Palace  all  the  time.  The  com- 
mittee of  three  would  then  arrange  a  meeting  ;  if  the  small 
desk  had  not  "  gone  "  by  the  time  these  preliminaries  had 
been  completed,  the  committee  would  inspect  it,  draw  up 
and  sign  a  written  report  as  to  its  value,  and  send  it  to  the 
Commissaries,  who  between  them  would  then  deliver  the 
desk.  The  price  would  be  that  of  Napoleon's  agents,  with- 
out regard  to  the  demands  of  the  vendor.  That  was  the 
course  Napoleon  ordered  and  desired.  What  actually 
happened,  no  doubt,  was  that  Deschamps  and  the  vendor 
made  a  bargain. 

*  Registre,  No.  90. 


At  the  age  of  nineteen  Napoleon  wrote  out  a  Constitution 
for  the  Calotte  of  the  regiment  of  La  F^re,  in  which  he  was 
then  a  Lieutenant.  The  Calotte  was  a  meeting  of  the  Lieu- 
tenants of  a  regiment,  to  consider  some  question  of  conduct 
which  may  have  arisen  among  them.  Napoleon's  Constitu- 
tion— his  first — contained  provisions  for  the  creation  of  a 
number  of  new  officials  of  the  Calotte,  including  a  Grand 
Master  of  the  Ceremonies — Bertrand,  as  it  were — two 
Infallibles,  and  two  Juniors.  Napoleon's  chief  anxiety  was 
to  prevent  these  officials  from  pulling  together.  He  reported 
that  as  a  result  of  his  regulations  :  "  You  will  not  therefore 
have  any  more  reason,  Gentlemen,  to  fear  that  an  interest 
contrary  to  your  own  may  unite  them."  And  again,  "  The 
Grand  Master  of  the  Ceremonies  should  not  be  too  close  to 
the  persons  of  power."  Even  the  young  officers  who  had  just 
joined  were  suspect.  They  were  not  to  be  allowed  full 
voting  power,  because  they  could  not  be  forced  to  unite 
except  by  a  corrupt  inducement. 

This  Calotte  Constitution  was  based  upon  distrust  of  the 
people  and  of  the  officials.  If  the  new  arrivals,  the  plebs  of 
the  society,  vote  together  it  is  from  a  corrupt  motive ;  if  the 
officials  become  on  good  terms  with  each  other  it  is  to  get 
the  better  of  the  members  of  the  society.  A  good  Constitu- 
tion therefore  must  limit  the  rights  of  voting  ;  it  must 
provide  for  a  large  number  of  officials  to  act  as  checks 
against  each  other  :  it  must  contain  elaborate  and  rigid 
rules  for  their  conduct ;  and  to  please  everybody  and  to 
emphasise  their  importance  the  officials  should  be  given 
high-sounding  names.  That  was  precisely  the  system  of 
the  Man  at  Elba.    It  was  that  of  the  bureaucratic  autocrat. 

On  the  small  stage  of  Elba  the  absurdity  of  this  grandilo- 
quent officialdom  was  remarked  by  every  observer.  Gour- 
gaud,  when  told  by  Bertrand  at  St.  Helena  that  "  His  Majesty 
dictated  letters  about  the  purchase  of  fowls,  ducks,  meat, 
and  all  eatables  as  if  he  was  dealing  at  Paris  with  affairs  of 
the  greatest  importance,"  could  hardly  believe  it.    Sad  and 

THE  MAN  AT  ELBA  241 

pathetic  as  it  is  to  reflect  that  this  was  the  Emperor 
Napoleon,  the  humiliation  experienced  by  the  members  of 
the  suite  on  receiving  such  orders  also  deserves  commisera- 
tion. "  We  were  more  unhappy  at  Portoferraio  than  here," 
continued  Bertrand.  "  We  had  quitted  the  finest  throne  in 
the  world,  insulted  by  all,  to  go  to  a  tiny  little  island."  ^ 
The  title  assumed  by  the  conqueror  of  Europe,  "  Napoleon, 
Emperor  and  King  of  the  island  of  Elba,"  seemed  specially 
designed  to  cast  ridicule  on  the  servants  as  well  as  on  their 
master.  Napoleon  came  to  see  the  degradation  of  such  a 
parody  and  in  the  end  cast  it  off,  but  that  he  should  ever 
have  consented  to  it  is  deplorable. 

Napoleon  had  for  some  years  been  suffering  from  a  mental 
disease  known  as  megalomania,  colloquially  called  "  swelled 
head."  He  was  still  the  greatest  military  commander  of 
the  day.  Though  naturally  he  had  no  longer  the  energy  of 
his  youth,  he  could  still  prepare  a  campaign  and  conduct 
a  battle  with  his  old  ability  ;  but  there  was  now  a  clot  of  un- 
natural Hapsburg  blood  upon  his  brain,  M^hich  produced 
conceit  and  arrogance,  with  their  results — lack  of  caution, 
waste  of  time,  indifference  to  the  losses  to  which  he  sub- 
jected his  armies.  The  Commander  now  treated  opposition 
as  only  an  Emperor  should,  with  disdain.  To  speak  of 
possible  failure  was  lese-majesU.  He  said  so  plainly  to 
Montalivet  who  in  1814,  when  affairs  were  desperate,  adverted 
to  the  Bourbon  aspirations.  The  Emperor  told  him  sharply 
that  merely  to  mention  the  name  was  an  offence  to  his  person. 
The  injurious  effect  of  living  in  this  rarefied  air  is  shown  by 
the  significant  fact  that  after  his  admission  into  the  bosom 
of  the  Hapsburg  family  every  campaign  ended  in  defeat. 
The  husband  of  the  Archduchess  Marie  Louise  had  no 
success  in  war.  Crippled  in  1812,  driven  off  in  1813,  de- 
throned in  1814,  annihilated  in  1815,  that  was  the  record  of 
the  son-in-law  of  the  Emperor  Francis. 

The  Austrian  marriage  ruined  him  because  it  paralysed 
'  C.oui-gaud,  "Journal  Incdit/'  Vol.  U,  p.  221. 




his  genius  by  casting  into  it  the  self-complacence  of  the 
Royal  Personage.  To  all  unanointed  observers  it  was  plain 
that,  believing  himself  to  belong  to  the  race  of  gods,  he  was 
cheerfully  attempting  more  than  a  man  could  achieve. 

At  Elba  the  symptoms  of  the  disease  were  exhibited  to  a 
distressing  extent  by  his  imperial  decrees  about  his  ducks 
and  his  dogs,  his  two  brigades  formed  from  five  mules,  and 
the  rest  of  the  pitiful  tale. 

One  is  reminded  of  the  career  of  another  man  of  Italian 
race,  the  Tribune  of  the  People,  Cola  di  Rienzo,  better  known 
to  us  as  Rienzi.  As  the  result  of  a  revolution  there  was  no 
Pope  at  Rome  and  the  city  was  in  the  hands  of  a  set  of 
rascally,  licentious  nobles  ;  just  as  France  after  the  execu- 
tion of  Louis  XVI  was  misgoverned  by  the  Directors.  Rienzi, 
like  Napoleon,  was  a  reader,  and  had  a  lively  imagination, 
and  his  vanity  and  ambition  made  him  a  hater  of  the  nobles 
and  supporter  of  the  people.  In  the  absence  of  the  Pope  he 
was  raised  by  the  people  to  the  position  of  the  head  of  the 
Government.  He  began  well,  curtailing  the  power  of  the 
nobles  and  abating  many  abuses.  But  he  was  too  successful, 
became  inflated  with  pride,  had  himself  knighted  and  crowned 
on  the  15th  August  (Napoleon's  birthday),  gave  himself 
extravagant  titles,  and  declared  that  he  was  filled  with  the 
Holy  Ghost  (the  "  destiny  "  of  Napoleon).  He  was  now  a 
mere  tyrant.  Having  been  very  lean  in  figure  he  became 
excessively  fat.  "  It  is  said,"  wrote  Muratqri,  "  that  in  person 
he  was  of  old  quite  meagre  ;  he  had  become  enormously  fat 
and  jovial  as  an  abbot."  Napoleon  had  been  very  thin,  in 
his  youth,  and  became  later,  according  to  several  observers, 
"  like  a  fat  priest."  Accused  of  the  intention  of  restoring 
the  Empire  in  his  own  person,  and  thus  making  himself  the 
chief  monarch  in  Europe,  Rienzi  was  overthrown  and  fled 
from  Rome.  But  Rome  relapsed  into  disorder,  and  he 
returned  (as  it  were  from  Elba)  for  a  second  lease  of  power. 
But  the  Romans  were  now  no  longer  capable  of  enduring  his 
tyranny,  and  the  end  soon  came  ;  he  was  killed  by  the  mob. 

THE   MAN   AT  ELBA  243 

The  story  is  oddly  similar  to  that  of  Napoleon  in  some  of 
the  details  ;  in  principle  it  is  identical.  Rienzi  and  Napoleon 
were  Italians.  In  youth  they  had  the  lean  and  hungry  look 
of  ambitious  men.  Desire  for  personal  success  made  them 
hate  those  above  them  and  take  the  part  of  the  plebs.  The 
head  of  the  State  having  been  removed  by  a  revolution 
gave  the  opportunity  of  obtaining  the  vacant  post.  After 
a  short  period  of  good  government  the  inherent  vanity  and 
ambition  obtained  complete  control.  They  became  self- 
indulgent  tyrants  with  extravagant  desires  of  world  domi- 
nation ;  even  in  body  they  became  swollen.  Sudden  success, 
accompanied  by  despotic  power,  trying  enough  to  all  men, 
is  overpowering  to  the  Italian,  causing  a  disastrous  growth 
of  pride,  tyranny,  and  self-indulgence. 

It  has  been  supposed  that  Napoleon  was  a  man  of  no 
heart.  Pons,  who  studied  his  character  with  care,  could  not 
understand  how  such  an  idea  could  have  arisen  :  he  said 
that  Napoleon's  first  impulse  was  that  of  the  heart,  which 
he  quickly  controlled  ;  that  he  tried  to  hide  his  feelings,  not 
always  with  success,  for  he  could  not  speak  of  his  son  without 
being  visibly  moved  ;  that  "  his  heart  was  as  weak  as  his 
mind  was  strong.  One  could  have  made  him  do  many 
things  by  appealing  to  his  feelings."^ 

Allowing  for  some  extravagance  of  expression,  there  is 
much  to  be  said  in  favour  of  this  unusual  verdict.  Letizia 
told  Pons  that  as  a  child  Napoleon  would  share  his  toys  and 
sweets  with  other  children,  without  demanding  a  return. 
As  a  man  he  was  most  generous  to  all  his  old  friends,  while 
to  his  enemies  he  was  without  rancour,  and  was  often  mag- 
nanimous. As  a  young  officer  he  was  considered  a  good 
comrade  and  he  had  warm  friends.  In  his  Calotte  essay  he 
asked  :  "  What  unlucky  man  is  there  who  has  not  two 
intimate  acquaintances  among  his  comrades  ?  "  Though  he 
became  afterwards,  as  he  himself  said,  "  zm  elre  politique," 
the    man    beneath    cannot    have    entirely    changed.      Few 

'  Pons,  pp.  125,  188, 198. 


commanders  have  been  adored  as  he  was  by  his  soldiers. 
No  heartless  man  could  have  written  the  following  letter, 
from  General  Bonaparte  to  his  brother  Joseph,  in  1795, 
when  the  Bonaparte  fortunes  were  at  a  low  ebb  :  "In  what- 
ever position  fortune  and  events  may  place  thee,  thou  knowest 
well,  my  friend,  that  thou  canst  not  have  a  better  and  dearer 
friend  who  desires  most  sincerely  thy  happiness.  Life  is  a 
light  dream  which  is  soon  dissipated.  If  thou  dost  depart 
and  dost  think  it  is  for  some  time  "  (here  there  is  the  mark  of 
a  tear  on  the  manuscript)  "  send  me  thy  portrait.  We  have 
lived  so  many  years  together,  so  closely  united,  that  our 
hearts  are  intermingled.  Thou  knowest  better  than  anyone 
how  entirely  mine  is  given  to  thee.  I  feel  while  tracing  these 
lines  an  emotion  of  which  I  have  had  few  experiences  in  my 
life.  I  know  that  it  will  be  long  before  we  meet  "  (another 
tear  stain)  "  and  I  cannot  continue  my  letter.  Good-bye, 
my  friend.  Napoleon."  Meneval,  who  was  brought  much  in 
contact  with  the  Emperor,  declared  that  he  had  often  been 
the  witness  and  the  confidant  of  his  feelings,  which  showed 
a  keen  and  expansive  sensibility. 

Napoleon  said  once  that  he  had  never  loved  an5^body 
except  Joseph  perhaps  a  little.  It  is  not  easy  for  a  man  to 
judge  his  own  character,  even  on  such  a  point.  Napoleon 
was  in  the  habit  of  assuming  the  part  of  a  being  removed 
above  the  influence  of  all  human  emotions.  But  he  wrote 
letters  to  Josephine  which  expose  the  affectation.  Many 
reputedly  tender-hearted  men  are  incapable  of  such  a  love 
as  Napoleon  had  for  Josephine.  He  was  very  fond  of  Pauline  ; 
no  man  ever  praised  more  highly  his  mother  ;  and  in  spite 
of  their  treachery  he  always  spoke  tenderly  of  Elise  and 
Caroline.  He  was  devoted  to  Marie  Louise  and  made  even 
that  self-centred  individual  fancy  that  she  loved  him.  His 
love  for  his  son  was  noticed  by  many  observers.  One  day  he 
dropped  by  accident  a  tobacco-box  on  which  was  a  picture 
of  the  King  of  Rome.  Though  no  longer  able  to  stoop  with- 
out effort  he  picked  it  up  with  alacrity,  and  finding  it  was 

THE  MAN  AT  ELBA  245 

not  broken  exclaimed  :  "  Mon  pauvre  petit  chou  "  (My  poor 
little  darling).  He  added  :  "  I  have  in  me  some,  indeed 
much,  of  the  tenderness  of  a  mother,  and  I  am  not  ashamed 
of  it.  I  should  never  believe  in  the  affection  of  a  man  who 
being  a  father  did  not  love  his  children."^  The  hard  fate  of 
his  son,  his  Astyanax,  was  a  source  of  intense  sorrow  to 
Napoleon.  Yet  he  has  been  regarded  as  an  unnatural 
monster,  a  being  all  brain  and  no  heart.  The  sounder  and 
keener  the  brain  the  truer  and  more  active  must  be  the 
beating  of  the  heart. 

In  his  public  life  Napoleon  was  a  cruel  and  callous  man, 
indifferent  to  human  suffering,  and  contemptuous  of  mankind. 
He  took  into  his  private  life  much  of  his  egotistical  and  tyran- 
nical manner,  but  he  was  a  man  of  warm  feelings  for  all  that, 
and  he  showed  it  whenever  the  politician  had  been  exorcised. 

Though  Pons  was  a  great  admirer  he  was  not  a  blind 
worshipper.  He  observes  :  "  The  Emperor  gave  encourage- 
ment to  intriguers  by  giving  ear  to  them.  He  listened  will- 
ingly to  what  was  told  him.  He  was  always  on  guard.  What 
a  sad  condition  is  that  which  induces  a  man  to  regard  the 
bad  side  of  human  nature  as  precisely  human  nature  itself."  ^ 
The  quarrels  which  went  on  around  Napoleon's  person  were 
the  result  of  his  encouragement  of  delators.  It  was  known 
that  he  despised  all  mankind,  and  was  ready  and  anxious  to 
believe  evil  of  all  his  attendants.  Each  one  denounced  his 
colleague  and  knew  that  he  was  being  denounced  in  turn. 
Napoleon  himself  created  that  deadly  atmosphere,  in  which 
he  could  not  permanently  thrive  ;  for  loyal  support  was  neces- 
sary to  him  and  he  killed  it. 

Pons  makes  the  following  significant  remarks  :  "  The 
Emperor  had  his  faults,  prejudices,  and  caprices.  Amongst 
his  faults  the  Emperor  had  one  which  by  its  untoward 
character  and  frequent  appearance  was  always  wounding, 
and  which  without  doubt  was  the  cause  of  the  hatreds  which 

^  Pons,  p.  6y.  The  story  reached  Paris.  (Firmiu-Didot,  "  Koyaute  ou 
Empire,"  p.  43.)  2  Pons,  p.  02. 


were  so  inexorably  relentless  in  compassing  his  fall.  The 
Emperor  would  not  get  in  a  rage,  even  when  he  was  indignant, 
but  in  a  first  impulse  of  hastiness,  he  would  use  words  which 
caused  most  cruel  wounds  which  did  not  cease  to  bleed. 
The  Emperor  was  often  aware  that  he  had  wounded,  and 
when  he  realised  the  hurt  he  had  given,  he  endeavoured  at 
once  to  cure  it.    He  did  not  always  succeed."^ 

This  passage  explains  much.  Napoleon  would  say  things, 
when  he  was  angry,  which  few  men  could  forgive.  He  made 
many  enemies,  and  destroyed  many  friendships,  by  grossly 
offensive  remarks.  He  thought  he  was  powerful  enough  to 
indulge  in  the  feelings  of  the  moment,  and  gave  vent  to 
Q  brutalities  of  speech  which  seldom  occur  in  civilised  society. 
When  he  found  himself  in  need  of  friends  he  had  to  pay  the 

1  Pons,  p.  191. 



y4    IMONG   those  Avho  were   attracted   to   Elba   by  the 

A%  presence  of  the  Emperor  there  were  intriguing 
J^  ^  Italians  with  their  schemes  for  a  Napoleonic 
kingdom  of  Italy,  and  Corsicans,  with  an  occasional 
Frenchman,  seeking  employment.  The  visitors  who  had  no 
personal  object  in  view,  save  that  of  gazing  at  a  prodigy, 
were  English.  Some  of  them  were  admitted  to  the  privilege 
of  private  audience.  Napoleon  delivered  to  them  the 
explanation  of  his  conduct,  the  political  manifesto  which 
he  desired  should  be  published  to  the  world. 

The  official  position  of  Neil  Campbell,  and  his  permanent 
residence  on  the  island,  made  him  the  chief  recipient  of  these 
declarations,  which  he  duly  reported  to  his  Government. 

Viscount  Ebrington,  afterwards  Earl  of  Fortescue,  was 
received  at  8  p.m.  on  the  6th  December,  for  three  hours  of 
standing,  or  walking  up  and  down  the  room.  On  the  8th  he 
was  invited  to  dinner  at  seven,  and  the  conversation  lasted 
till  eleven.^ 

Major  Vivian  and  Mr.  Wildman  arrived  from  Leghorn  in 
the  Partridge  on  the  22nd  January,  1815.  After  the  necessary 
overtures  through  Bertrand  they  were  received  by  Napoleon 
from  8.30  p.m.  to  9.45  p.m.  on  the  26th  January,  in  the 
Mulini  Palace  ;  the  room  of  the  ground  floor  into  which  they 
were  ushered  was  fitted  up  with  the  faded  yellow  furniture 

'  Ebrington,  Viscount,  "  Memorandum  of  two  conversations  with  the 
Emperor  Napoleon  on  the  6th  and  8th  of  December,  1814,"  182.'3. 



from  Elise's  palace  at  Piombino.  Vivian  published  an 
account  of  the  interview  in  the  year  1839.  He  and  his  friend 
were  attired  in  the  uniform  of  the  Cornwall  Militia,  to  which 
they  belonged,  and  Napoleon  began  by  making  several 
enquiries  about  the  corps.  He  also  asked  if  the  Prince 
Regent,  as  Duke  of  Cornwall,  had  rights  over  the  mines, 
and  asked  how  much  he  got,  and  was  told  it  was  £10,000  a 

Of  Napoleon's  manner  and  appearance  Vivian  writes  : — 

"  We  stood  during  the  whole  time,  I  may  say  almost 
ncz  a  ncz ;  for  I  had  my  back  against  the  table,  and  he  had 
advanced  close  to  me,  looking  full  in  my  face.  His  strain  and 
manner  were  as  familiar  and  good-natured  as  possible,  so 
very  much  so  that  I  felt  no  hesitation  whatever  in  putting 
any  question  to  him.  He  had  on  a  green  coat,  cut  off  in  front, 
faced  with  the  same  colour,  and  trimmed  with  red  at  the 
skirts,  and  wore  the  stars  of  two  orders.  Under  his  left  arm 
he  held  his  hat,  and  in  his  hand  a  plain  snuff-box,  from  which 
he  every  now  and  then  took  a  pinch  ;  but  as  he  occasionally 
sneezed,  it  appeared  to  me  that  he  was  not  addicted  to  snuff- 
taking.  His  hair  was  without  powder  and  quite  straight ; 
his  shape,  inclined  to  corpulence."^ 

On  the  12th  December,  1814,  Lord  John  Russell  had  an 
interview  which  he  referred  to  in  a  short  letter  written  at  the 
time,  as  follows  : — 

"He  is  in  person  stout  and  very  fat,  without  much  majesty 
in  his  air  and  still  less  terror  in  his  look — he  was,  indeed, 
extremely  good-natured,  and  during  the  two  hours  I  was  alone 
with  him  talked  and  encouraged  me  to  talk  on  every  subject. 
He  is  of  opinion  that  there  will  be  no  war  in  Europe  at  present, 
but  he  thinks  it  likely  that  the  Congress  will  spin  out  a  long 
time,  and  that  Russia  will  keep  Poland,  and  Prussia  Saxony, 

'  Vivian,  J.  H,  "iMInutes  of  a  conversation  with  Napoleon  Bonaparte  at 
Elba  in  January,  1815,"  p.  25. 


From  a  sketch  taken  by  a„  officer  on  the  spot.      In  the  collection  of  A.  M.  Broadley 


as  it  were  in  abeyance.  He  is  very  gay  and  certainly  not 
unhappy,  but  at  the  same  time  I  do  not  think  him  easy  in 
his  present  situation,  and  very  far  indeed  from  the  tran- 
quilHty  of  a  philosopher.  He  spends  his  time  chiefly  in 
building  and  furnishing  a  country  house  about  two  miles 
from  his  wretched  palace  in  Portoferraio."^ 

Lord  John  wrote  in  his  diary  :  "  His  manner  is  very  good- 
natured,  and  seems  studied  to  put  one  at  one's  ease  by  its 
familiarity  ;  his  smile  and  laugh  are  very  agreeable  ;  he 
asks  a  number  of  questions  without  object,  and  often  repeats 
them,  a  habit  which  he  has  no  doubt  acquired  during  fifteen 
years  of  supreme  command.  To  this  I  should  also  attribute 
the  ignorance  he  seems  to  show  at  times  of  the  most  common 

Fifty-four  years  later,  in  1868,  Earl  Russell,  as  he  then 
had  become,  Avrote,  for  private  circulation,  an  account  of  the 
interview.  Lord  Russell's  chief  recollection  was  that 
Napoleon  appeared  to  be  alarmed  regarding  his  safety  owing 
to  the  report  that  he  was  to  be  sent  to  St.  Helena,  and  that 
he  seemed  to  be  meditating  some  enterprise. 

On  19th  September,  1814,  a  party  of  Englishmen,  consisting 
of  Colonel  Lemoine,  R.A.,  Colonel  Douglas,  Major  Maxwell, 
R.A.,  Captain  Smith,  and  Mr.  Scott,  an  undergraduate  at 
Cambridge,  went  to  Porto  Longone,  where  the  Emperor 
was  at  that  time,  in  the  hope  of  seeing  him.  Napoleon  agreed 
to  receive  them  out  of  doors,  on  his  return  from  a  ride.  Mr. 
Scott,  the  chronicler  of  the  meeting,  writes  : — 

"  We  stood  in  a  lane  about  five  yards  wide.  The  Emperor 
approached.  We  drew  back  and  formed  a  line  on  his  right, 
standing  uncovered.  He  stopped  his  horse  short  and  touched 
his  hat. 

"  The  first  impression  on  my  mind  was  :  can  this  be  the 
great  Napoleon  ?     Is  that  graceless  figure — so  clumsy,  so 

'  The  original  letter  is  iu  the  collection  of  tlie  Earl  of  Crawford. 


awkward — the  figure  that  awed  emperors  and  kings  ?  It  is 
surely  impossible  ;  and  that  countenance ;  it  is  totally 
devoid  of  expression  ;  it  appears,  even,  to  indicate  stupidity  ! 
Such  was  the  first  impression,  and  thougli  I  soon  found  reason 
to  change  my  opinion  concerning  his  countenance,  I  still 
continue  to  think  the  figure  of  Napoleon  very  unmartial, 
clumsy,  and  awkward.  He  looks  about  forty-five  years  of 
age,  has  a  very  large  corporation,  and  his  thighs  are  large, 
quite  out  of  proportion. 

"  He  wore  a  cock  hat  low  over  his  eyes,  which  in  some  mea- 
sure contributes  to  give  him  the  stupid  appearance  at  first 
sight.  This  hat  is  very  high  behind,  low  before.  Its  brownness 
seemed  to  indicate  that  it  had  stood  many  a  campaign. 
It  bore  a  cockade  of  white  and  red.  He  wore  a  great  military 
coat  faced  with  red  ;  the  skirts  of  it  began  to  slope  off  as  high 
as  the  stomach  ;  above  that  it  was  close-buttoned,  and  as  his 
neck  is  very  short,  one  could  scarcely  see  his  black  stock.  He 
had  two  shabby  silver  epaulets,  a  shabby  star  on  his  breast 
as  Commander  of  the  Legion  of  Honour,  and  three  small 
decorations  of  the  Orders  of  the  Legion  of  Honour,  Reunion, 
and  Iron  Crown.  Under  his  coat  appeared  a  red  sash,  the 
Grand  Cord  of  the  Legion.  He  had  a  white  waistcoat,  white 
breeches,  and  white  gloves.  His  boots  were  old  and  shabby  ; 
his  silver  spurs  were  fastened  with  black  buckles.  He  rode  a 
small  Corsican  brown  horse,  with  holsters  in  his  saddle  and 
a  dirty  bridle  and  bit.  Though  his  clothes  were  old,  his 
person  looked  clean  and  neat. 

*'  He  leans  very  forward  in  riding.  While  he  was  talking  to 
us  his  horse  suddenly  lifted  up  his  hind  foot,  and  Napoleon 
turned  quickly  round,  as  if  he  were  nervous.  He  took  snuff 
only  once  during  the  twenty-two  minutes  he  talked  with  us  ; 
he  took  it  out  of  a  small  black  box  on  which  were  three 
cameos.  His  hand  was  particularly  white,  his  fingers  small 
and  tapering.  His  hair  is  black  and  hangs  down  very  long 
in  candle-ends  (to  use  a  term  more  expressive  than  elegant) 
over  his  coat-collar.    Yet  it  is  clean  looking.    His  eyes  are 


blue  and  small,  eyebrows  black  and  rather  large,  his  nose 
and  mouth  handsome,  and  of  moderate  size,  his  chin  not 
very  pointed,  his  complexion  pale,  rather  yellowish,  and  has 
much  of  that  appearance  which  I  might  call  doughy.  His 
forehead  is  square  and  prominent.  He  spoke  quickly  and 
incessantly.  His  voice  is  deep,  and  he  speaks  rather 

The  conversation  was  of  little  interest,  being  confined  to 
personal  matters.  Napoleon  asked  each  officer  in  turn  as  to 
his  corps,  his  rank,  and  his  active  service,  and  ascertained 
that  Scott  was  at  "  Camerige,"  as  the  Emperor  pronounced 
the  word.    Scott  concludes  his  account  thus  : — 

"  During  the  whole  of  our  interview  there  was  a  constant 
half -smile  on  his  countenance,  and  he  has  the  air  of  perfect 
contentment.  His  eye  is  remarkably  expressive  and  quick  ; 
his  eye  and  voice  inspire  respect,  and  his  manner  indicated 
great  talent ;  but  his  smile  gives  confidence  and  ease  to  those 
who  hear  him.  My  companions  were  unanimous  in  the 
opinion  that  he  has  more  the  appearance  of  a  clever,  crafty 
priest  than  of  a  hero.  His  figure  is  decidedly  the  reverse 
of  heroic."^ 

Mr.  G.  F.  Vernon,  m.p.,  a  cousin  of  Lord  Holland,  arrived 
at  Portoferraio  on  18th  November,  1814,  with  a  friend, 
Mr.  Fazakerley.  While  waiting  to  be  received  by  Bertrand, 
Vernon  remarked  to  the  secretary  :  "  It  is  said  that  Napoleon 
has  become  much  fatter  here."  "  Yes,"  said  the  secretary, 
"  in  his  place  I  would  have  made  myself  swollen  with  a 
pistol  shot. "2 

They  went  to  San  Martino,  and  while  there  the  Emperor 
arrived  in  a  carriage,  and  allowed  them  to  be  introduced,  A 
political  conversation  of  some  interest  ensued,  from  which 

'  Printed  in  the  "Daily  Mail/'  24th  February,  1909. 
"  "  Sketch  of  a  conversation  with  Napoleon  at  Elba,"  by  ti.  K.  Vernon. 
"Miscellanies  of  Philobibliou  Society,"  Vol.  VIII,  1863. 



some  quotations  are  given  in  the  ensuing  pages.  Napoleon 
and  the  two  visitors  were  compelled,  by  reason  of  Imperial 
etiquette,  to  stand  for  nearly  four  hours  while  the  talk  pro- 
ceeded, and  the  Englishmen  were  nmch  fatigued  before  it 
was  over.  Being  shown  over  the  San  Martino  house,  they 
observed  in  Napoleon's  small  bedroom  a  miniature  of  the 
King  of  Rome. 

Mr.  Frederick  Darling,  m.p.,  son  of  Lord  Glenbervie,  was 
also  received.  "  Why  have  you  come  ?  "  asked  Napoleon. 
"  To  see  a  great  man  ?  "  "  Rather  to  see  a  wild  beast,"  was  the 

The  political  pronouncements  of  Napoleon  to  his  English 
visitors  at  Elba  have  been  too  much  neglected.  Though  this 
Elban  message  does  not  compare,  in  elaboration  and  scope, 
with  the  legend  that  was  created  at  St.  Helena,  it  has  a  special 
value  of  its  own  in  revealing  the  mental  attitude  of  Napoleon 
at  the  time.  He  did  not  consider  his  career  finally  closed. 
He  was  not  engaged  upon  memoirs.  He  was  occupied  with 
the  cause  of  his  fall,  and  the  prospects  before  him,  and  was  not 
entirely  absorbed,  as  at  St.  Helena,  in  explaining  the  past. 
Though  he  touched  upon  many  phases  of  his  career,  it  is 
only  with  his  pronouncements  on  the  living  issues  of  the 
time  that  we  are  here  concerned  ;  and  all  that  he  said  to 
his  English  visitors  concerning  England  is  also  of  special 

He  told  Lord  Ebrington  that  he  wished  to  keep  the  Peace 
of  Amiens,  but  that  the  English  broke  it ;  that  if  Fox  had 
lived  there  would  have  been  no  war.^  To  Mr.  Vernon  he 
said  that  the  cause  of  the  breaking  of  the  Treaty  was  that 
he  would  not  agree  to  the  treaty  of  commerce  proposed 
by  England,  which  would  have  been  disadvantageous  to 
France.  2 

The  Treaty  of  Amiens  was  nullified  by  the  warlike 
aggressions  of  Napoleon.  He  may  have  desired,  at  the  time, 
a  prolongation  of  the  peace  until  he  had  strengthened  his  hold 

'  EbriugtoUj  p.  22.  ^  Vernon^  p.  28. 


on  France  and  extended  his  power  on  the  Continent.  But 
war  with  England  was  his  settled  policy,  and  he  would  have 
forced  it  whenever  the  time  appeared  propitious. 

The  remark  about  Fox  came  from  an  ignorance  about 
English  political  conditions  which  was  common  on  the 
Continent  in  his  day  and  is  still  prevalent.  The  belief  that 
the  Opposition  would,  when  in  power,  be  prepared  to  make 
a  one-sided  or  humiliating  peace,  has  been  one  of  the  stock 
delusions  about  England.  Napoleon  held  it  firmly,  and  it 
was  one  of  his  most  disastrous  mistakes.  He  was  always 
expecting  that  if  war  lasted  long  enough,  a  peace-at-any-price 
party  would  have  its  turn  in  England,  and  then  he  would  be 
able  to  do  as  he  liked  with  English  interests. 

He  said  that  his  detention  of  English  travellers  was  in 
retaliation  for  the  English  having  made  prizes  at  sea  before 
declaration  of  war.  "  I  am  sure  that  you  thought  in  England 
that,  after  all,  I  was  right,  and  had  shown  character  in  what 
I  did.    Eh,  I  am  something  of  a  corsair  like  yourselves." 

The  seizure  of  vessels  before  declaration  of  war  was  not 
unusual,  nor  against  international  law  ;  the  detention  of 
travellers  was  both.  Napoleon  seized  all  English  of  both 
sexes  whom  he  could  lay  his  hands  upon,  in  France  or  Italy, 
and  kept  them  in  custody  as  prisoners  of  war  for  eleven 
years,  until  they  were  released  by  his  fall.  Such  unheard-of 
brutality  was  in  flagrant  defiance  of  the  usages  of  all  civilised 
nations.  He  thought  the  English  would  admire  him  for  what 
he  himself  described  as  a  piratical  action  ;  and  he  desired  the 
respect  of  the  people  whom  he  regarded  as  fellow-pirates. 
But  perhaps  these  remarks  were  merely  an  endeavour  to  save 
face,  for  in  1815  he  declined,  when  the  proposal  was  made, 
to  order  a  repetition  of  the  barbarity. 

He  often  spoke  to  Englishmen  of  the  proposed  invasion  of 
England.  He  told  Campbell  that  "  he  never  intended  to 
make  the  attempt  without  a  superiority  of  fleet  to  protect 
the  flotilla.  This  superiority  would  have  been  obtained  for 
a  few  days  by  leading  our  fleet  out  to  the  West  Indies,  and 


suddenly  returning.  If  they  arrived  three  or  four  days  before 
ours  in  the  Channel,  it  would  be  sufficient.  The  flotilla 
would  immediately  push  out,  accompanied  by  the  fleet,  and 
as  he  should  march  immediately  to  London,  he  should  prefer 
landing  on  the  coast  of  Kent.  He  had  100,000  men  in  all." 
Asked  what  he  proposed  to  do  after  arriving  in  London,  he 
replied  that  "  it  was  difficult  to  answer  that  question,  for  a 
people  with  spirit  and  energy  like  the  English  was  not  subdued 
even  by  taking  possession  of  their  capital.  He  would  cer- 
tainly have  separated  Ireland  from  Great  Britain,  and  the 
occupation  of  the  capital  would  have  been  a  death-blow  to  our 
funds,  credit,  and  commerce.  He  had  made  all  his  calcula- 
tions and  reduced  his  landing  to  a  perfect  certainty.  On 
being  pressed  whether  he  had  not  merely  been  preparing 
an  army  for  other  operations,  he  denied  it,  and  said  he 
certainly  intended  to  put  his  plans  into  execution." 

On  another  occasion  he  said  :  "  This  danger  must  always 
hang  over  England.  An  invasion  is  perfectly  practicable 
whenever  France  can  assemble  a  larger  army  than  England, 
and  at  the  same  time  obtain,  for  a  week  or  ten  days,  the 
command  of  the  Channel  with  her  fleet.  On  this  account 
the  formation  of  the  port  of  Cherbourg  is  a  serious  considera- 
tion for  England.  Our  possessions  are  so  extensive,  that  we 
must  have  fleets  to  guard  them,  and  to  watch  the  movements 
which  may  be  directed  against  them.  While  engaged  in  this, 
it  is  easy  to  mislead  so  great  a  proportion  of  the  British  Navy, 
that  the  French  must  infallibly  obtain  that  superiority  in 
the  Channel  which  is  required  for  a  time,  in  order  to  effect 
the  invasion.  He  meant  to  command  the  troops  in  person. 
No  British  force  could  be  collected  in  sufficient  numbers  to 
oppose  him  ;   and  success  he  considered  certain." 

Although  at  another  time  he  said  that  he  never  intended 
to  invade  England,  and  was  merely  luring  on  Austria  to 
attack  him,  it  must  be  supposed  that,  if  protected  by  the 
French  fleet  at  the  proper  time,  he  would  have  made  the 
attempt,  because  in  thnt  case  it  would  have  been  impossible 


to  have  declined  the  enterprise,  after  so  much  display,  with- 
out serious  loss  of  reputation.  Whether  he  really  wished  to 
be  given  the  chance  is  very  doubtful.  The  invasion  project 
gave  him  an  excuse  for  the  creation  of  the  superb  army 
which  he  turned  away  from  the  Channel  for  the  conquest  of 

He  was  mistaken  in  supposing  that  Villeneuve  had  decoyed 
Nelson  away  to  the  West  Indies,  and  that  the  return  of  the 
French  fleet  would  have  given  him  the  temporary  command 
of  the  Channel.  Nelson  followed  Villeneuve  in  order  to  bring 
him  to  battle,  and  to  protect  the  West  Indian  islands.  He 
had  satisfied  himself  that  Barham  had  ample  strength  left 
to  prevent  a  crossing.  If  Villeneuve  had  appeared  in  the 
Channel  he  would  have  been  destroyed. 

To  Mr.  Vernon  he  said  that  he  did  not  make  peace  at 
Dresden  because  he  thought  he  could  hold  the  line  of  the 
Elbe.  "  However,  I  do  not  assert  that  if  the  same  situation 
were  to  arise  again  I  would  not  act  in  another  manner." ^ 
In  short,  he  miscalculated  his  strength. 

"  France  is  nothing  without  Antwerp,  for  while  Brest  and 
Toulon  are  blockaded,  a  fleet  can  be  equipped  there,  wood 
being  brought  from  Poland.  He  never  would  consent  to 
give  it  up,  having  sworn  at  his  coronation  not  to  diminish 
France.  ...  It  was  a  great  object  for  England  to  have 
Antwerp  in  possession  of  her  former  ally,  Holland,  and  taken 
from  France.  He  was  perfectly  ready  to  have  made  peace 
at  Chatillon  if  Antwerp  had  been  left  to  France.  It  was 
England,  therefore,  that  prevented  the  peace."  In  contra- 
diction to  this,  he  said  one  day  that  he  had  himself  openly 
asserted  that  if  he  made  peace  at  Chatillon  he  would  not  be 
able  to  keep  it  for  three  months.  ^ 

Napoleon  was  never  ready  to  make  peace,  either  at  Chatil- 
lon in  1814  or  on  any  other  occasion,  except  as  a  conqueror. 
In  moments  of  depression  and  disaster  he  turned  reluctantly 

^  Vernon,  p.  37. 

-  Ussher,  p.  62.     Vernon,  p.  37.     Campbell,  pp.  315,  333. 


to  such  thoughts,  but  he  soon  recovered  and  was  as  defiant 
as  ever.  In  1814  the  Allies  were  no  longer  desirous  of  peace 
except  on  their  own  terms,  and  there  was  no  reason  to  suppose 
that  he  would  ever  accept  them. 

"  The  soldiers  of  the  army  were  naturally  attached  to  me, 
as  I  was  their  comrade.  I  had  some  success  with  them, 
and  they  knew  that  I  recompensed  them  well,  but  now  they 
feel  that  they  count  for  nothing.  There  are  at  present 
700,000  men  in  France  who  have  carried  arms,  and  the  last 
campaigns  have  served  only  to  show  how  superior  they  are 
to  all  their  enemies.  They  do  justice  to  the  valour  of  our 
troops,  but  despise  all  the  rest."^ 

"  There  could  be  no  quiet  in  Europe  if  the  French  were 
humiliated,  and  reduced  out  of  proportion  with  the  other 
leading  Powers.  England  with  all  her  wealth,  her  foreign 
possessions,  and  her  maritime  power  !  Austria  with  all  Italy  ! 
Prussia  with  Mayence,  and  as  far  as  Luxembourg  !  The 
French  at  Danzig  were  not  so  extraordinary  as  the  Prus- 
sians at  Luxembourg.  What  a  humiliation  for  France 
after  so  many  years  of  preponderance  gained  by  her  glory. 
Holland  with  Belgium  !  There  would  be  a  violent  reaction  of 
the  whole  nation  before  five  years  were  over,  similar  to  what 
took  place  at  the  Revolution,  in  consequence  of  their  humilia- 
tion and  so  great  a  diminution  of  frontier.  The  Rhine  was  the 
natural  boundary.  Every  man  in  France  considered  it  so, 
and  this  opinion  would  never  alter.  He  knew,  by  persons 
from  France,  that  there  was  a  universal  disgust  there  at  their 
present  humiliation,  and  that  the  Bourbons  had  very  few 
partisans  in  the  army,  and  among  the  bulk  of  the  popula- 

"  He  pointed  out,  as  he  had  frequently  done  before,  the 
impolicy  of  humiliating  France,  that  the  ferment  there  would 
soon  break  out  one  day  or  other,  and  the  sovereigns  of 
Europe  would  then  perhaps,  for  their  own  interest  and  repose, 

1  Lord  Ebrinj^ton,  p.  7.  ^  Campbell,  pp.  315-17. 




find  it  necessary  to  call  him  in  to  tranquillise  the  country.  .  .  . 
The  present  government  is  too  feeble.  The  Bourbons  should 
mpke  war  as  soon  as  possible,  in  order  to  establish  themselves 
upon  the  throne.  With  such  an  army  as  they  could  assemble 
would  not  be  difficult  to  recover  Belgium.  It  is  only  for 
t  le  British  there  that  the  French  army  has  the  smallest  awe."  ^ 

"  He  said  he  would  have  given  up  Germany,  Holland, 
Italy,  and  Spain,  but  would  never  have  agreed  to  leave 
I  nee  smaller  than  he  found  her.  Belgium  he  excluded. 
He  said  that  a  battle  lost  before  Brussels  would  open  the 
road  to  Holland  and  Antwerp  ;  he  supposed  England  wanted 
Antwerp.  "2 

These  conversations  took  place  in  November  and  December, 
1814,  and  January,  1815.  Earlier,  in  May,  1814,  Napoleon 
had  spoken  in  the  same  tone,  but  had  given  the  Bourbons 
six  months  only.  After  citing  the  "  humiliations  "  of  France, 
he  had  said  :  "  The  people  of  France  will  not  remain  tranquil 
under  it,  not  even  six  months  after  the  foreign  Powers  have 
quitted  Paris, "^ 

Although  he  had  now  to  admit  that  the  Revolution  had  not 
come  as  soon  as  he  had  expected,  he  still  believed  that  it 
would  come,  and  then  he  would  be  sent  for,  "  to  tranquillise 
the  country."  And  evidently,  if  he  were  to  be  called  upon, 
the  first  thing  he  would  do  would  be  to  retrieve  the  humilia- 
tions France  had  sustained,  by  giving  play  to  the  martial 
ardour  of  the  nation,  and  leading  the  army  to  the  recovery 
of  Belgium  and  Holland.  A  battle  gained  before  Brussels 
would  give  him  Holland  and  Antwerp.  While  he  was  sup- 
posed to  be  absorbed  in  the  organisation  and  management  of 
his  petty  little  kingdom,  he  was,  in  fact,  planning  the  Waterloo 

At  St.  Helena  Napoleon  told  his  followers  that  already 
at  Fontainebleau  he  had  thought  of  the  return  from  Elba. 

»  Campbell,  pp.  329,  347.  '^  Vivian,  p.  17. 

*  Ussher,  p.  87.     Campbell,  p.  2i2. 

258  NAPOLEON   IN   EXILE  :    ELBA 

"  The  abdication  of  Fontainebleau  had  been  merely  con- 
ditional, in  my  inmost  thoughts.  Davout,  the  Due  de 
Bassano,  and  Caulaincourt  were  aware  of  it.  They  alone 
were  the  confidants  of  my  hope  in  the  resurrection  of  the 
Empire  ;  they  believed,  with  me,  that  the  Bourbons  were 
incorrigible,  that  they  would  come  back  as  they  were  when 
they  left,  feudal  kings." ^  Campbell  reports  that,  on  one 
occasion,  after  dinner,  he  "  continued  the  conversation  with 
great  agitation  of  manner  until  midnight,  having  then  been 
for  three  hours  on  his  legs.  He  seemed  to  regret  his  abdica- 
tion. Had  he  known  that  it  was  owing  to  the  treachery  of 
Augereau  only  that  that  part  of  his  army  fell  back  behind 
Lyons,  he  would  have  united  his  own  army  to  it,  even  after 
Marmont's  capitulation. ^  .  .  .  Napoleon  certainly  regrets 
that  he  gave  up  the  contest,  and  has  almost  declared  to  me 
that,  had  he  known  the  spirit  and  power  of  Augereau's  army, 
and  that  its  exertions  were  only  paralysed  by  the  defection 
of  that  Marshal,  he  would  have  joined  it  and  carried  the  war 
into  Italy."  On  another  occasion,  however,  he  said  that 
"  he  had  now  no  regret  in  his  abdication,  nor  yet  in  his 
refusal  of  the  last  propositions  for  peace.  He  would  do  the 
same  over  again. "^ 

He  might  have  been  still  in  France  and  have  prolonged 
for  some  years  the  conflict,  but  against  united  Europe  he 
could  not  hope  in  the  circumstances  of  the  time  to  prevail  in 
the  end.  "  I  decided  to  spare  France  a  civil  war,  and  I 
consider  myself  dead,  for  to  die  and  to  be  here  are  the  same 

"  Here  he  related  the  view  of  affairs  which  had  induced 
him  to  abdicate.  He  could  have  supported  the  war  for  years, 
and  perhaps  have  carried  it  out  of  the  kingdom.  But  although 
the  people  would  have  flocked  to  his  standard,  and  the  army 
would  have  stood  firm,  this  would  have  been  the  ruin  of 
France.     With  the  armies  of  Blucher  and  Schwartzenberg 

1  Recits,  Vol.  I,  p.  225.  2  Campbell,  p.  223. 

3  Campbell,  pp.  243,  333.  *  Vernon,  p.  30. 


in  Paris,  Wellington  pressing  forward  from  Toulon,  Augereau 
beaten  at  Lyons  (for  he  did  not  then  know  that  he  was 
indisposed  to  exert  himself  at  all),  a  faction  in  Paris  against 
him,  and  the  Senate  weak  enough  to  assemble  by  the  orders 
of  their  enemy,  he  had  no  hesitation  in  descending  from  the 
throne,  as  it  appeared  to  be  the  only  way  of  saving  France. 
But  he  would  never  have  done  so  had  not  Marmont  deserted 
him,  except,  indeed,  on  the  regency  of  the  Empress  and  her 
son  being  secured.  In  his  own  person  he  could  not  even 
consent  to  any  peace  except  according  to  such  a  treaty  as  that 
proposed  at  Frankfort.  It  was  not  for  the  sake  of  a  crown 
that  he  had  continued  the  war,  but  for  the  glory  of  his  country, 
for  plans  which  he  now  saw  no  prospect  of  realising.  He 
wished  to  have  made  France  the  first  nation  in  the  world, 
but  now  it  was  at  an  end."^ 

From  all  this  it  may  be  concluded  that  while  Napoleon 
regretted  that  he  had  not  made  peace  in  1813,  he  still  could 
not  imagine  himself  agreeing  to  the  Chatillon  terms  of  1814, 
which  would  have  left  France  smaller  than  he  found  her. 
No  doubt  he  regretted  also,  though  he  did  not  admit  it, 
having  left  Paris  undefended  in  1814  ;  but  when  the  city  had 
capitulated  he  could  see  no  alternative  to  abdication.  He 
buoyed  himself  up  from  the  Fontainebleau  days  with  the 
belief — partly  genuine  and  partly  forced — that  his  turn  would 
come  again. 

To  make  sure  that  his  hopes  should  not  be  suspected,  he 
frequently  used  the  phrase,  "  Je  suis  un  homme  mort.'' 
Campbell  reports  :  "  He  repeated  this  latter  expression 
several  times."  And  again  :  "  I  do  not  think  of  anything 
beyond  my  little  island.  I  could  have  sustained  the  war  for 
twenty  years  if  I  had  wished  it.  I  exist  no  longer  for  the 
world.  I  am  a  dead  man.  I  am  occupied  in  nothing  but 
my  family  and  my  retreat,  mj^  house,  my  cows,  and  my 
mules."  2 

»  Campbell,  pp.  222,  333.  2  Campbell,  pp.  222,  229. 


In  his  remarks  about  Italy  he  showed  his  desire  to  be  on 
good  terms  with  his  neighbours.  He  might  some  day  have  to 
rely  upon  them.  Accordingly,  he  "  expressed  some  regret  at 
having  taken  away  so  many  fine  things  from  Italy.  '  I  was  a 
little  unjust  in  that,'  he  said,  '  but  I  was  thinking  only  of 
France.'"^  He  was  thinking  only  of  himself .  As  Republican 
General,  in  1796,  he  expressly  announced  that  he  was  leading 
his  troops  to  a  land  where  booty  of  all  kinds  could  be  obtained. 
He  sent  Italian  money,  horses,  and  carriages  to  the  Directors, 
to  please  them  and  get  the  better  of  Moreau  and  Pic^hegru 
on  the  Rhine,  who  were  unable  to  send  anything  ;  and  he 
sent  works  of  art  to  make  his  name  popular  among  all 
classes,  as  an  advertisement  of  his  prowess. 

He  spoke  several  times  to  Campbell  about  Italy.  "  In 
the  course  of  his  remarks  as  to  the  discontent  of  the  Italians, 
he  traced  the  evils  which  existed  in  Italy  to  the  influence  of 
the  clergy,  and  attributed  the  discontent  which  was  in- 
creasing daily,  among  other  causes,  more  particularly  to  the 
national  pride  in  losing  the  name  of  the  kingdom.  These 
evils  were  too  extensive  and  radical  to  be  influenced  by 
Naples  alone,  or  by  Murat.  He  praised  the  Italians  and 
ridiculed  the  Germans.  He  would  engage  always  to  beat 
thirty  thousand  Germans  with  twenty  thousand  Italians. 
The  former  were  stupid,  slow,  and  without  pride,  contented 
with  their  pipe,  cows,  and  farms  ;  whereas  the  latter  were 
quick  and  proud,  and  had  now  become  military.  He  had 
quite  changed  their  habits  and  abolished  much  of  their 
degeneracy.  All  the  young  men  were  attached  to  the  French 
from  having  served  with  them  in  the  army,  and  their  minds 
were  bent  upon  the  formation  of  Italy  into  a  kingdom.  The 
government  of  France  had  only  been  nominal.  That  part 
of  Italy  which  had  been  incorporated  with  French  depart- 
ments was  only  to  have  remained  so  until  certain  of  his 
projects  were  fully  realised,  and  the  people  knew  this.  They 
held  their  places  and  felt  themselves  as  one  people  and  one 

*  Ebrington,  p.  14. 


kingdom,  from  Piedmont  to  Naples.  After  this  it  was  im- 
possible for  them  to  be  reconciled  to  the  changes  which  were 
now  being  made,  through  the  Austrians,  with  different 
languages  and  names,  the  disgusting  measures  of  the  King  of 
Sardinia,  and  those  of  the  Pope  and  his  priestcraft."^ 

The  French  conquerors  had  not  been  hated  quite  so  much 
as  the  Austrians,  but  the  Italians  wished  to  be  free  from  all 
foreign  domination.  Napoleon  did  not  propose  to  establish 
an  independent  kingdom  of  Italy. 

The  thirty  thousand  Germans  whom  he  could  beat  with 
twenty  thousand  Italians  would  not  have  been  Prussians, 
for  to  Major  Vivian  he  said  that  "  the  Prussians  had  fought 
well  in  1814."  Vivian  adds  that  Napoleon  despised  the 
Dutch  troops,  spoke  with  contempt  of  the  Austrians,  and 
said  the  Spaniards  were  poor  soldiers.  To  Campbell  he 
said  that  "  the  Prussians  were  infinitely  the  best  of  all  the  y 
Allies."  To  Mr.  Vernon  he  said  :  "  The  British  troops  are 
worth  much  more  than  any  others  :  after  them  I  regard 
the  Prussians  as  the  best."^  At  this  time  Napoleon  had 
never  met  British  troops  in  battle. 

Speaking  of  the  composite  army,  consisting  mainly  of 
Austrians,  under  Schwartzenberg,  in  1814,  he  said  that  he 
"  knew  well  the  composition  of  the  Allied  army  as  compared 
with  his  own."  Again,  "  In  remarking  on  his  confidence  in 
his  own  troops,  particularly  his  Old  Guards,  and  the  in- 
efficiency of  the  Allies,  he  referred  to  me  to  say  candidly  if 
it  was  not  so.  '  Dites-inoi,  Comhell,  franchemeni ;  ti'cst- 
ce  pas  vrai  ?  '  I  told  him  it  was  ;  that  when  with  the  Allies, 
I  never  yet  saw  a  considerable  portion  of  his  army,  but 
everyone  spoke  of  '  the  Emperor  and  his  Guards,'  as  if  there 
was  something  in  them  more  than  human  to  be  dreaded — 
that  the  inferiority  which  he  conceived  of  Schwartzenberg's 
army  was  justly  founded.  There  was  no  confidence  in  them- 
selves or  in  their  Allies.  Each  party  thought  he  did  too  much, 
and  his  Allies  too  little  ;  and  they  were  half  beaten  before 
'  Campbell,  p.  312.  -  Vernon,  p.  26. 


they  closed  with  the  French.  However,  in  assenting  to  his 
character  of  the  Allies,  I  requested  him  not  to  include 
Wellington's  army  ;  and  I  added  that  the  French  officers 
of  the  army  from  Spain  did  us  ample  justice  in  this 
respect.  "1 

To  his  English  visitors  he  spoke  often,  and  with  much 
flattery  of  their  nation,  and  he  also  habitually  expressed 
himself  in  a  similar  manner  to  his  French  followers.  He 
despised  every  nation  of  the  Continent,  France  included, 
but  had  a  genuine  admiration  for  England,  and  was  confi- 
dent that  whenever  he  chose  he  could  find  a  refuge  in  Eng- 
land, with  a  warm  and  generous  welcome.  At  Fontainebleau 
and  on  the  journey  to  Elba  he  had  already  expressed  himself 
on  these  lines,  and  he  continued  to  do  so  when  on  the 
island.  "  He  said  that  in  England  he  would  have  society, 
and  enjoy  an  opportunity  of  explaining  the  circumstances 
of  his  life,  and  doing  away  with  many  prejudices,  such  as 
was  not  possible  in  the  island  of  Elba.  In  England  he  could 
even  see  and  communicate  with  his  partisans  better  than 
at  Elba ;  four-fifths  of  the  French  people  were  in  his 
favour."  2 

"  He  asked  what  would  happen  to  him  if  he  went  to 
England ;  would  he  be  stoned  ?  I  replied  that  he  would  be 
perfectly  safe  there,  as  the  violent  feelings  which  had  been 
excited  against  him  were  daily  subsiding,  now  that  we 
were  no  longer  at  war.  He  said,  smiling,  he  thought  there 
would  always  be  some  risk  for  him  from  the  London 

These  remarks  leave  no  room  for  doubt  as  to  the  policy 
Napoleon  would  have  pursued  if  he  had  found  a  refuge  in 
England.  He  would  have  endeavoured  to  propitiate  English 
opinion  by  "  explaining  "  his  actions,  and  overcoming  the 
prejudice  they  had  produced  ;  and  he  would  have  made 
use  of  his  propinquity  to  France  for  carrying  on  intrigues, 

•  Campbell,  p.  221.  -'  ciampbell,  p.  329. 

^  Lord  Ebrington,  p.  15. 


with  the  design  of  recovering  his  position.  But  he  feared 
the  London  mob,  which  he  supposed  would  be  fiercer  and 
wilder  even  than  that  of  Paris. 

Of  the  French  people,  he  said  to  Ussher,  who  had  remarked 
that  he  thought  they  had  shown  great  ingratitude  towards 
him:  '''Oh!  c'est  un  peuple  leger."  To  Campbell  he 
said  that  "  their  chief  failings  were  pride  and  the  love  of 

"  Enlarging  for  some  time  upon  the  influence  which  he 
possessed  over  the  minds  of  French  soldiers  in  the  field,  he 
said  that  under  him  they  performed  what  no  other  chief 
could  obtain  from  them.  This  he  ascribed  to  his  manner  of 
talking  to  them  on  particular  occasions.  With  soldiers  it  is 
not  so  much  the  speech  itself  as  the  mode  of  delivering  it. 
Here  he  raised  himself  on  his  toes,  looked  up  to  the  ceiling, 
and  lifting  one  of  his  hands  to  its  utmost  extent,  called  out  : 
'  Deploy ez  les  aigles!  Deploy ez  les  aigles!^  (Unfurl  the 
eagles).  He  then  related  to  me  that  when  the  battle  of 
Marengo  was  almost  lost,  he  redeemed  it  by  calling  out  to 
the  men,  who  were  then  in  perfect  rout.  He  had  then  with 
himself  only  about  forty  horsemen,  but  by  putting  himself 
at  the  head  of  the  retiring  troops,  and  speaking  to  them  in  a 
certain  tone  and  manner,  they  rallied  immediately,  crying 
out :  '  Allans  done,  en  avant.'  It  is  like  music,  which 
either  speaks  to  the  soul,  or,  on  the  contrary,  gives  out 
sounds  without  harmony.  It  strikes  me,"  concluded  the 
matter-of-fact  Campbell,  "  there  was  something  wild  in  his 
air  throughout  this  last  visit,  and  in  many  of  his  observa- 
tions, the  above  among  others."^ 

This  passage  reveals  Napoleon's  dramatic  instinct,  his 
pertinacious  exaggeration  about  every  event  in  his  career 
(for  it  was  Desaix  and  Kellermann  who  regained  the  battle 
of  Marengo  when  it  was  lost)  ;  and  the  strange  emotional 
sentiment  which  he  sometimes  exhibited. 

To  Major  Vivian  Napoleon  said  that  "  the  French  soldiers 
^  Campbell,  p.  302. 


lacked  tenacity,  could  not  bear  a  check,  as  Csesar  had 

Of  Murat  Napoleon  said  to  Lord  Ebrington  that  he  was 
*'  the  most  brilliant  man  he  had  ever  seen  on  the  field  of 
battle ;  that  it  was  a  really  superb  sight  to  see  him  lighting 
at  the  head  of  the  cavalry.  He  Avas  a  fine  big  man  who  took 
trouble  about  his  appearance,  which  was  sometimes  fantastic 
— in  short,  a  magnificent  lazzarone."  He  used  the  same 
expression  to  Major  Vivian  :  "  Murat  was  a  magnificent 
lazzarone,"  or,  as  we  might  say,  a  magnificent  mountebank. 
Of  liis  sister  Caroline  he  said  she  was  a  pretty  woman  and 
very  refined.  Considering  the  recent  treachery  of  his  sister 
and  her  husband  he  might  have  been  excused  if  he  had  spoken 
more  harshly. 

When  Lord  Ebrington  expressed  his  "surprise  at  the 
admirable  sang-froid  with  which  he  bore  the  change  of 
his  situation,  Napoleon  said  :  '  That  is  because  everybody 
has,  I  believe,  been  more  surprised  than  myself  at  what  has 
happened.  I  have  not  too  good  an  opinion  of  men,  and  I 
have  always  been  prepared  for  what  fortune  might  bring  ; 
besides,  I  have  had  very  little  enjoyment ;  my  brothers 
were  more  like  kings  than  I.  They  have  had  the  enjoyments 
of  royalty,  while  I  have  had  little  but  its  fatigues.'  "^ 

One  cannot  admit  that  everybody  had  been  more  surprised 
than  Napoleon  at  his  fall,  for  there  had  always  been  a  general 
expectation  that  it  would  ultimately  occur,  and  after  the 
retreat  from  Moscow,  or  at  latest  the  battle  of  Leipzig,  it 
might  almost  be  said  that  "  everybody  "  foresaw  the  end, 
except  Napoleon  himself.  It  had  been  noticed  of  him  that 
on  returning  from  a  victorious  campaign  he  was  gloomy, 
abstracted,  ill-humoured ;  possibly  he  was  thinking  he 
might    have    derived    even    greater    advantages    from    his 

^  "  Nam  ut  ad  hella  suscipienda  Gallorum  alacer  et  promptus  est  animus, 
sic  mollis  ac  mimime  resistens  ad  calamitates  perfereudas  mens  eorum  est  " 
(Ca;sar,  IJook  III,  sec.  20).  Livy  has  (Book  X,  chap.  28)  :  "  Primaque  praelia 
plnsquain  virorum  postreraa  minus  quam  feminarum  esse." 

2  Lord  Ebrington,  p.  28. 


triumph,  or  the  relaxation  and  rest  may  have  tried  his 
active  and  energetic  nature.  But  after  a  disaster  he  was  D 
always  cheerful.  The  more  desperate  his  situation  the 
more  satisfied  and  serene  he  appeared  to  be.  He  may  have 
been  summoning  up  to  his  own  support  his  reserves  of 
courage  and  tenacity  ;  but  it  was  chiefly  of  the  observant 
world  that  he  was  thinking.  To  what  extent  he  was  suffering, 
whether  much  or  little,  we  can  only  guess.  Whatever  his 
feelings,  he  maintained  before  the  converging  eyes  of  man- 
kind a  smiling  and  proud  demeanour. 



IN  the  autumn  of  1814  representatives  of  the  chief 
Powers  met  in  consultation  at  Vienna  to  draw  up  a  new 
map  of  Europe.  As  was  inevitable  there  were  serious 
disagreements  ;  it  was  not  possible  to  divide  the  spoils 
which  had  been  taken  from  Napoleon,  without  bitter  quarrels. 
Russia  wanted  Poland  ;  Prussia  wanted  Saxony  ;  France 
and  Spain  wanted  a  return  of  the  Spanish  Bourbons  to  Italy. 
Several  times  it  seemed  as  if  the  only  possible  course  Avas  an 
appeal  to  the  arbitrament  of  war.  Indeed,  when  the  enormous 
issues  at  stake  are  considered,  the  avoidance  of  war  must 
be  regarded  as  a  triumph.  A  few  years  earlier,  or  later,  peace 
might  not  have  been  maintained.  At  that  particular  time 
Europe  was  weary  of  war,  and  dreaded  the  thought  of  its 
recurrence — and  there  was  always  before  the  disputants  the 
figure  of  the  little  man  on  the  island  of  Elba,  the  God  of  War, 
who  would  rejoice  to  hear  the  guns  firing  amongst  the  former 
Allies,  knowing  that  it  could  only  turn  to  his  own  advantage. 
That  terrible  spectre  haunted  the  meetings  at  Vienna.  It 
was  seldom  mentioned,  save  in  terms  of  affected  contempt, 
but  all  knew  of  its  existence,  and  were  spurred  on  to  settle 
their  difficulties  in  one  way  or  another,  as  best  they  could, 
from  fear  of  the  conqueror  of  Europe. 

In  spite  of  all  difficulties  agreements  were  finally  reached. 
In  February,  1815,  only  three  points  of  importance  remained. 
These  were  the  future  of  Napoleon's  wife  and  son  ;  of 
Napoleon's  sister  Caroline  and  his  brother-in-law  Murat  ; 
and  of  Napoleon  himself. 



All  these  matters  had  been  already  settled  by  solemn 
treaties,  but  some  members  of  the  Congress,  Talleyrand  in 
particular,  regarded  a  treaty  as  a  temporary  dodge  and 
nothing  more. 

By  the  Treaty  of  Fontainebleau  the  Duchies  of  Parma, 
Piacenza,  and  Guastalla  were  guaranteed  to  Marie  Louise, 
Napoleon's  wife,  with  reversion  to  the  son  of  the  Imperial 
couple,  but  France  wanted  these  dominions  to  be  restored 
to  the  legitimate  owner,  another  Marie  Louise,  of  Spain, 
widow  of  the  Prince  Louis  of  Parma.  The  Austrian  Grand 
Duchess  appealed  to  the  Czar,  and  Alexander,  who  was  in  a 
special  degree  responsible  for  the  Treaty  of  Fontainebleau, 
insisted  that  its  provisions  should  be  respected.  His  influence 
prevailed,  but  there  was  to  be  no  reversion  to  the  son  of 

The  Naples  problem  proved  more  difficult.  Nobody  had  a 
word  to  say  in  favour  of  Murat  personally.  He  owed  his 
kingdom  to  the  fact  that  he  had  married  Napoleon's  sister, 
and  that  was  now  very  far  from  being  a  recommendation. 
He  had  neither  the  royal  blood,  which  was  once  again  con- 
sidered a  necessity  for  a  King,  nor  had  he  a  character  for 
fair  and  open  dealing  ;  on  the  contrary,  he  was  the  son  of  an 
innkeeper,  and  he  was  a  notoriously  shifty  man,  who  had 
already  been  a  traitor  to  his  own  brother-in-law.  The  Czar 
said  :  "  He  is  a  canaille  who  has  betrayed  us  all." 

The  continued  presence  of  Murat  on  the  throne  of  Naples 
was  the  perpetuation  of  a  Napoleonic  usurpation ;  and 
Napoleon  was  so  near,  at  Elba,  that  he  would  be  able,  in 
concert  with  Murat,  to  create  disturbances  in  Italy  which 
might  lead  to  further  troubles  throughout  Europe.  Welling- 
ton wrote  to  Liverpool  :  "  If  he  "  (Murat)  "  were  gone, 
Bonaparte  in  Elba  would  not  be  an  object  of  great  dread." 
But  when  Talleyrand  urged  the  dethronement  of  Murat  he 
found  that  Austria  placed  difficulties  in  the  way.  The  dis- 
putes about  Poland  and  Saxony  made  it  necessary  to  consider 
the  eventuality  of  a  war  between  Austria  and  one  or  both  of 


the  northern  Powers.  Then  Austria  would  be  obHgcd  to 
withdraw  her  troops  from  Northern  Italy,  and  leave  that 
country  exposed  to  the  well-known  ambition  of  Murat. 
It  was  essential  to  remain  on  good  terms  with  him  so  long 
as  that  danger  existed.  Later,  when  the  great  disturbing 
questions  had  been  settled  at  the  Congress,  Talleyrand  found 
that  Metternich  was  prepared  to  listen  to  his  demand  for  the 
expulsion  of  Murat.  There  was,  however,  an  obstacle  in  the 
way.  By  a  Treaty  of  8th  January,  1814,  Austria  had  given 
Murat  a  solemn  guarantee  of  his  kingdom,  and  had  engaged 
to  endeavour  to  obtain  the  same  guarantee  from  the  other 
Allied  Powers.  England  had  agreed  to  an  armistice  with 
Murat  on  the  26th  January,  and  again  on  the  3rd  February, 
1814.  Murat,  in  return,  was  to  desert  Napoleon  and  actively 
engage  in  war  against  the  French.  He  did  so,  and  in  spite 
of  Talleyrand's  contempt,  Austria  showed  a  disinclination 
to  repudiate  the  compact,  without  some  plausible  excuse. 
It  was  hoped  that  Murat  would  make  a  false  step.  It  was 
ascertained  that  in  1813-14,  while  he  was  negotiating  for 
the  alliance  with  Austria  and  the  other  Powers,  he  was  at 
the  same  time  attempting  to  keep  in  with  Napoleon.  If 
he  could  now  be  discovered  plotting  with  Napoleon  the 
excuse  for  his  dethronement  would  be  supplied. 

Murat  and  Caroline  were  well  aware  of  their  precarious 
position,  and  most  anxious  to  avoid  any  appearance  of 
collusion  with  Napoleon.  Murat  accordingly  dismissed  the 
former  Neapolitan  Consul  at  Portoferraio,  to  cut  off  all 
connection  with  the  danger  spot.  Caroline  declined  to  pay 
any  attention  to  Napoleon's  request  that  she  should  send  him 
a  cook,  an  upholsterer,  books,  etc.  Napoleon  then  wrote  to 
Cardinal  Fesch  at  Rome,  asking  him  to  send  him  a  great 
quantity  of  things,  including,  "  two  thousand  hundredweight 
of  wheat,  twenty  thousand  bushels  of  oats,  two  thousand 
ewes,  with  their  complement  of  rams,  twenty  milch  cows, 
fifty  orange  trees,"  etc.  The  Cardinal,  rather  at  a  loss  to 
execute  such  an  order,  wrote  to  Murat,  and  Caroline  took 


upon  herself  to  reply  to  him,  in  the  most  explicit  terms,  on  the 
25th  Jmie,  1814  :  "  The  present  state  of  affairs  forbids  us  to 
enter  into  any  sort  of  intercourse  Avith  the  island  of  Elba. 
The  fate  of  Naples  is  still  in  the  balance.  Everything  leads 
us  to  hope  that  the  matter  will  be  satisfactorily  settled,  but 
that  hope  will  not  be  realised  unless  we  proceed  with  the 
utmost  caution.  It  pains  me  a  great  deal  to  be  obliged  to 
reply  to  you  in  this  way,  but  the  King's  future  and  that  of  my 
children  leave  me  no  alternative."^ 

Murat,  however,  was  in  his  familiar  role  of  double  traitor. 
While  endeavouring  to  keep  with  Austria  he  did  not  break 
with  Napoleon.  The  Emperor's  name  was  still  powerful  in 
Italy,  and  many  Italians  were  looking  towards  him  as  their 
hope  against  the  unbearable  Austrians.  Already  on  the 
19th  May  at  Turin  a  conspiracy  had  been  formed  for  the 
purpose  of  making  Napoleon  King  of  Italy.  A  constitution 
for  the  new  kingdom  was  prepared  and  forwarded  to 
Napoleon. 2  When  in  January,  1815,  the  news  reached  Porto- 
ferraio  of  the  discovery  and  arrest  of  some  of  the  conspirators 
at  Milan,  Napoleon,  in  conversation  with  Campbell,  laid 
much  stress  upon  his  having  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  plan. 
He  said  :  "  Nothing  will  be  discovered  against  me.  At  least 
it  will  not  be  found  that  I  am  compromised  at  all."  "  These 
expressions,"  adds  Campbell,  "  as  well  as  the  whole  tenor 
of  his  conversation  upon  the  subject,  bore  evident  marks  of 

Though  no  evidence  was  obtained  against  Napoleon,  there 
was  a  general  belief  that  he  and  Murat  were  conspiring 
together.  Murat  wrote  to  Napoleon  a  letter  which  the 
Emperor,  in  a  communication  to  Bertrand,  described  as 
"  very  tender."*  Caroline  was  too  prudent  to  indulge  in 
such  effusions,  which  might  easily  fall  into  wrong  hands. 

An  elaborate  system  of  espionage  was  in  force.    The  chief 

'  Espitalier,  "Napoleon  and  Kin^  Murat,"  p.  4.57. 
-  Livi,  "  Napoleone  all'  isola  d'  Elba,"  pp.  41,  44,  Gl. 
^  Campbell,  p.  352.  *  Correspoudance,  No.  21633. 


French  agent,  Mariotti,  was  sent  by  Talleyrand  to  Leghorn, 
nominally  as  French  Consul.  Mariotti  was  a  Corsican,  who 
had  been  one  of  Elise's  chief  officials,  and  had  been  made  by 
Napoleon  an  ollicer  of  the  Legion  of  Honour  ;  but  he  appears 
to  have  expected  more  rapid  promotion,  and  had  already 
turned  against  his  compatriot  before  the  Restoration.  His 
Corsican  spirit  of  vendetta,  and  his  knowledge  of  Italian, 
obtained  for  him  the  appointment  of  chief  spy  in  Italy  upon 
Napoleon.  It  is  characteristic  of  the  Napoleonic  atmosphere 
that,  owing  to  Mariotti's  former  association  with  Napoleon's 
family,  he  was  suspected  both  by  the  French  Minister  of 
Police  and  by  Campbell  of  being  in  the  pay  of  both  sides. 
When  Napoleon  called  him  "  a  Corsican  adventurer " 
Campbell  noted  in  his  diary  :  "I  suspect  that  this  abuse  was 
purposely  to  deceive  us." 

Mariotti  had  agents  reporting  to  him  all  along  the  Tuscan 
coast,  and  even  at  Portoferraio  itself.  Angles,  the  French 
Minister  of  Police,  also  had  agents  at  Portoferraio.  General 
Spannochi  Piccolomini,  the  Governor  of  Leghorn,  had  all  the 
travellers  from  Elba  carefully  examined,  both  at  Leghorn  and 
all  along  the  coast. ^  At  Civita  Vecchia  there  were  the  ob- 
servers who  reported  to  the  Pope. 

All  Napoleon's  correspondence  through  the  post  was 
opened,  and  much  of  it  confiscated.  From  France  nothing 
was  forwarded,  even  newspapers  being  withheld.  Angles 
gave  orders  that  travellers  from  Paris  to  Lyons  should  be 
rigorously  examined  for  secret  correspondence.  At  Bourges 
Madame  Bertrand,  who  was  on  her  way  to  Elba,  was  stopped, 
and  her  carriage  and  boxes  were  ransacked.  Twelve  letters 
were  found,  of  which  one  was  for  Napoleon,  and  though  not 
one  of  them  was  of  any  importance,  they  were  all  confiscated.^ 

In  theory  an  independent  monarch,  Napoleon  was  in 
reality  cut  off  from  free  communication  through  the  post, 
and  in  that  respect  received  the  treatment  of  a  prisoner.    His 

^  "  Rapporti  di  capitani,"  by  Pietro  Vigo.  "  Rivista  Marittima^"  June_, 
1902.  2  (j_  Firmia-Didot,  ''  Royaute  ou  Empire/'  p.  62. 


indignation  is  shown  in  the  following  order  to  Bertrand  : 
*'  Write  to  the  Princess  Pauline  that  I  have  received  all  the 
letters  from  Naples  ;  tell  her  that  I  am  hurt  that  I  have 
been  sent  through  Stahremberg  opened  letters,  as  if  I  was 
a  prisoner  and  he  was  my  gaoler,  that  I  consider  such  conduct 
ridiculous  and  offensive,  that  in  acting  in  this  manner  he  has 
been  wanting  in  respect  to  me  and  to  himself.  There  are  not 
lacking  opportunities  which  might  be  used  for  writing  to  me. 
I  think  you  ought  not  to  acknowledge  to  Stahremberg  the 
receipt  of  these  letters. 

"  P.S. — They  may  write  to  me  through  Stahremberg,  but 
hide  the  letters  ;  he  might  think  that  if  we  make  use  of 
him  we  do  not  conceal  anything."^  Stahremberg  was  the 
Austrian  Commander  at  Leghorn  and  Piombino. 

Napoleon  was  thus  forced  to  employ  secret  means  for 
communicating  private  matters.  Cardinal  Fesch  at  Rome 
was  entrusted  with  funds,  and  became  the  organiser  of  a  band 
of  counter-spies  in  various  parts.  At  Leghorn  Napoleon  was 
well  served  by  Bartolucci,  who  was  a  match  for  Mariotti, 
and  he  employed  Colonna  d'Istria,  his  mother's  chamberlain, 
as  a  wandering  spy  in  roving  missions  through  Lombardy 
and  Tuscany.  The  Inconstant  and  his  other  vessels  took 
packets  of  correspondence  ;  and  the  Rio  boats  on  their 
periodic  journeys  with  ore  were  made  use  of  to  deliver  and 
receive  messages.  At  Piombino  two  couriers  were  in  attend- 
ance to  receive  Napoleon's  letter-bag  and  carry  it  to  Leghorn, 
where  Bartolucci  opened  it  and  sent  the  letters  on.  The 
groom  Vincent  took  a  secret  packet  to  Florence,  the  valet 
Cipriani  was  sent  to  Genoa,  the  gardener  Hollard  to  Leghorn, 
and  several  emissaries  were  sent  to  Vienna.  Communication 
with  Naples  was  kept  up  by  means  of  Madame  Mere's  maid, 
or  the  Countess  Walewska,  or  the  Milanese  Litta,  and  no 
doubt  by  other  persons  whose  names  have  not  been  recorded. 
In  the  Post  Office  at  Portoferraio  there  were  intrigues  and 
counter-intrigues,  some  of   the  officials  being  suspected  of 

^  Correspondance,  No.  21629. 


taking  money  from  both  sides.  Napoleon  had  all  letters  of 
any  interest  copied  for  his  perusal  before  delivery  to  the 
recipient.  lie  managed  in  these  various  ways  to  keep  himself 
fairly  well  supplied  with  news  of  what  was  going  on  at  Vienna 
and  elsewhere.  He  contrived,  for  instance,  to  obtain  a 
regular  supply  of  French  newspapers  ;  and  Lord  Holland 
sent  him  English  newspapers  from  time  to  time. 

On  the  30th  October  Pauline  arrived  from  Naples  in  the 
Inconstant,  which  Napoleon  had  sent  to  fetch  her,  escorted 
by  a  Neapolitan  frigate  ;  but  Murat's  ship  had  orders  to  go 
no  further  than  the  channel  of  Piombino,  and  to  have  no 
communication  with  Elba,  for  fear  of  the  suspicions  that 
might  be  aroused.  Taillade,  however,  had  taken  a  packet 
of  correspondence  from  Napoleon  to  Murat,  and  Pauline 
was  doubtless  the  medium  of  messages  in  return. 

From  this  time  a  steady  interchange  of  communications 
between  Elba  and  Naples  was  reported  by  the  spies,  but  no 
written  matter  could  be  got  hold  of,  until  early  in  1815 
a  box  from  Cardinal  Fesch  was  opened  by  the  papal  agents 
at  Civita  Vecchia,  and  found  to  contain  letters  for  Napoleon 
from  Fesch  and  Murat.  There  was  nothing  of  a  directly 
incriminating  nature,  but  there  was  proof  of  friendly  and 
secret  relations,  which  could  be  interpreted  as  a  conspiracy 
between  Murat  and  Napoleon.^ 

This  occurred  just  at  the  time  when  Austria  was  being 
relieved  of  her  anxiety  as  to  her  relations  with  Russia  and 
Prussia.  At  this  critical  moment,  Murat,  with  his  headstrong 
folly,  himself  applied  the  light  to  the  powder.  On  the  8th 
February  he  wrote  to  Metternich  asking  for  a  formal  declara- 
tion of  his  rights,  and  remarking  that  in  case  of  war  with 
France  he  would  want  to  send  eighty  thousand  men  through 
the  Austrian  territories  in  North  Italy.  Metternich's  reply 
was  that  such  a  movement  would  be  regarded  by  Austria 
as  an  act  of  war. 

Austria  was   now  ready  to  support   France   and   Spain, 

1  Espitalier,  p.  403. 
























E     < 


but  England  was  unwilling  to  use  force.  Castlereagh  had 
proposed  "  an  actual  offer  of  terms  to  Murat,"  with  adequate 
provision.  Bathurst  suggested  Corfu  as  a  residence,  with 
£50,000  a  year.  As  late  as  the  25th  February,  1815,  Liverpool 
wrote  to  Castlereagh  of  the  "  absolute  impracticability  of  our 
engaging  in  any  military  operations  for  the  purpose  of  driving 
Murat  from  the  throne  of  Naples."  ^ 

But  when  documentary  proof  had  been  obtained  of  Murat's 
double  treachery  to  Napoleon  and  to  the  Allies  in  1813-14, 
Liverpool  wrote  to  Wellington  that  if  negotiations  had  been 
tried  and  Murat  declined  "  a  good  provision,"  and  the 
Powers  were  united  in  their  determination  to  dethrone  him, 
"  we  might  blockade  his  ports  by  sea."  At  the  same  time 
Liverpool  was  of  opinion,  and  in  this  he  was  supported  by 
Wellington,  that  a  French  expedition  across  the  sea  would 
have  serious  difficulties  to  face,  and,  differing  from  Welling- 
ton, he  thought  the  best  policy  was  to  leave  Murat  in 

So  matters  stood  when  Napoleon  left  Elba. 

With  regard  to  the  future  of  Napoleon  there  was 
much  discussion  at  Vienna,  but  no  formal  proposals  were 
ever  made.  Talleyrand  wrote  to  Louis  XVIII  on  the  13th 
October  :  "  Questions  are  often  asked  in  my  presence,  and 
Lord  Castlereagh  has  spoken  to  me  explicitly  on  the  point, 
whether  the  Treaty  of  the  11th  April  is  being  carried  out. 
The  silence  of  the  budget  on  this  matter  has  been  noticed 
by  the  Emperor  of  Russia.  M.  De  Metternich  says  that 
Austria  must  not  be  expected  to  carry  out  the  stipulations 
with  regard  to  the  Mont  de  Milan,  *  if  France  does  not  carry 
out  the  clauses  of  the  Treaty  which  lie  at  her  charge.  Alto- 
gether this  business  is  constantly  cropping  up  in  different 
ways,  and  nearly  always  in  a  disagreeable  manner.  However 
painful  it  may  be  to  stoop  to  matters  of  this  kind,  I  cannot 

■J  Wellington,  "Supp.  Desp.,"  Vol.  IX,  pp.  487,  497,  o85,  575. 
-  This  was  the   State  bank  founded  by   Napoleon  at   Milan,   in   which 
members  of  his  family  had  credits  which  Austria  had  engaged  to  liquidate. 


refrain  from  observing  to  Your  Majesty  that  it  is  desirable 
that  something  should  be  done  in  the  matter.  A  letter  from 
M.  de  Jaucourt,^  who  should  acquaint  me  with  it  by  order  of 
Your  Majesty,  would  certainly  have  a  good  effect. 

"  There  is  evident  here  a  general  determination  to  remove 
Bonaparte  from  the  island  of  Elba.  Nobody  has  yet  any 
fixed  idea  as  to  the  place  to  which  he  could  be  sent.  I  have 
proposed  one  of  the  Azores.  They  are  five  hundred  leagues 
distant  from  the  nearest  continent.  Lord  Castlereagh  seems 
to  think  that  the  Portuguese  might  be  brought  to  lend  them- 
selves to  such  an  arrangement,  but  in  any  discussion  the 
question  of  money  would  reappear."^ 

To  this  Louis  XVIII  replied,  on  the  21st  October  :  "  I 
will  at  once  make  M.  de  Jaucourt  write  the  letter  that  you 
desire,  but  between  ourselves,  I  would  go  beyond  the  stipu- 
lation of  the  11th  April  if  the  excellent  idea  of  the  Azores 
were  put  into  execution." 

Louis  XVIII  did  not  send  Talleyrand  the  desired  declara- 
tion that  the  Treaty  would  be  respected. 

Talleyrand  put  the  case  too  strongly  when  he  said  there 
was  a  general  "  determination  "  to  remove  Napoleon  from 
Elba.  It  was  now  recognised,  as  it  ought  to  have  been  from 
the  first,  that  at  Elba  the  great  man  was  too  near  to  Italy  and 
Europe  ;  but  there  was  a  considerable  difference  of  opinion 
as  to  what  should  be  done.  Talleyrand  was  for  using  force 
or  fraud  ;  he  would  have  gone  to  any  extreme  without  scruple. 
Pozzo  di  Borgo,  who  had  been  an  Ajaccio  friend  of  Napoleon's 
in  his  youth,  was  now  fired  by  the  unquenchable  spirit  of 
Corsican  vendetta,  which  sanctions  any  crime  ;  but  his 
influence  with  the  Czar  was  not  sufficient  to  make  that 
monarch  break  his  word.  Nor  were  either  Prussia  or  Austria 
eager  to  repudiate  their  engagements,  at  least  until  Napoleon 
had  given  them  some  excuse,  by  overt  action  inconsistent 
with  the  Fontainebleau  arrangement. 

*  The  Marquis  de  Jaucourt  was  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs  during  the 
absence  of  Talleyrand.  ^  Talleyrand,  "Memoires,"  Vol.  II,  p.  351. 


The  reference  to  Castlereagh  in  Talleyrand's  letter  has  led 
some  French  writers*  to  assert  that  while  Castlereagh  was 
complaining  that  Louis  XVIII  did  not  fulfil  his  obligations, 
he  himself  was  prepared  to  break  his  engagement  with 
regard  to  Elba.  There  is  no  comparison  between  the  French 
undertakings,  which  were  of  a  solemn  and  important  nature, 
entered  into  for  value  received  from  Napoleon,  and  the  post- 
poned and  protesting  acceptance  by  England,  expressly 
confined  to  the  Elba  stipulation.  Nor  is  there  any  reason  to 
suppose  that  Castlereagh  was  prepared  to  assist  in  a  forcible 
deportation  of  Napoleon.  He  contemplated  a  voluntary 
arrangement  by  money  compensation  to  Portugal  for  the 
surrender  of  an  island  in  the  Azores,  and  by  ample  financial 
provision  for  Napoleon.  The  reluctance  of  the  British 
Government  to  join  in  hostilities  against  Murat,  a  proved 
traitor  to  England,  should  have  sufficed  to  exculpate  us  from 
the  charge  of  preparing  to  use  force  against  Napoleon.  It 
was  France,  not  England,  that  was  repudiating  her  engage- 

Besides  Talleyrand's  "  excellent  idea  of  the  Azores,"  St. 
Helena  was  mentioned  as  a  suitable  place  for  Napoleon's 
exile.  No  official  suggestion  was  ever  made,  but  it  was 
recognised,  in  informal  conversations,  that  the  island  in  the 
South  Atlantic  would  be  a  very  safe  prison.  Some  were 
base  enough  to  speak  of  Santa  Lucia  or  Trinidad,  on  the 
express  ground  of  the  reputed  unhealthiness  of  those  West 
Indian  islands. 

When  Napoleon  learned  of  the  projects  that  were  talked 
about  he  pretended  at  first  to  be  unconcerned.  To  Campbell 
he  said,  on  the  31st  October  :  "  I  am  a  dead  man.  I  was  born 
a  soldier.  I  mounted  the  throne  and  stepped  down.  I  am 
ready  for  anything.  They  can  deport  me.  They  can  have  me 
assassinated.  I  should  stretch  out  my  breast  to  receive  the 
dagger.  As  General  Bonaparte  I  had  some  possessions  which 
I  had  gained,  but  they  have  taken  all."  But  on  another 
^  See  Houssaye,  "1815,  la  premiere  restauration,"  p.  169. 


occasion,  when  walking  with  Bertrand  and  Drouot,  Campbell 
also  being  present,  he  said  :  "  I  am  a  soldier.  If  they  wish 
to  assassinate  me,  I  will  open  my  breast,  but  I  object  to  being 
deported."  Later,  on  the  14th  January,  1815,  Campbell 
reports  that  in  an  interview  Napoleon  "  spoke  of  the  state- 
ments which  had  appeared  in  some  of  the  newspapers 
respecting  his  removal  to  St.  Helena  or  St.  Lucia,  in  a  way 
which  showed  his  belief  in  them,  said  he  would  not  consent 
to  being  transported  from  Elba,  but  would  resist  the  attempt 
by  force  to  the  last.  '  Before  that,  they  will  have  to  make  a 
breach  in  my  fortifications.  We  shall  see.'  I  told  him  I  did 
not  believe  these  stories,  which  had  no  foundation  beyond 
vague  report."^ 

He  made  preparations  for  defence,  placing  some  of  the 
Guards  in  two  detached  forts  which  protected  Portoferraio 
on  the  land  side,  and  making  the  town  forts  ready  to  receive 
the  enemy.  He  gave  orders  that  if  more  than  three  warships 
appeared  together  they  were  to  be  fired  upon. 

These  measures  were  not  without  their  effect.  It  became 
evident  that  Napoleon  would  be  able  to  meet  force  by  force, 
and  that  a  considerable  armed  expedition  would  have  to  be 
sent  against  him,  which  none  of  them,  not  even  France,  had 
any  desire  to  undertake.  That  reflection,  coupled  with  the 
opposition  of  the  Czar  to  all  repudiation  of  the  Treaty, 
resulted  in  the  question  being  shelved.  France  and  Spain 
were  concerting  measures  for  an  expedition  against  Murat, 
and  Talleyrand  hoped  that  Napoleon  might  be  drawn  into 
that  affair. 

In  the  meantime,  Talleyrand  was  still  being  pestered 
about  the  unpaid  money.  He  reported  to  Louis  XVIII,  on 
the  15th  February,  1815,  a  long  conversation  which  had 
taken  place  between  the  Czar  and  himself.  "  The  Czar  : 
'  Why  do  you  not  carry  out  the  Treaty  of  the  11th  April  ?  ' 
Talleyrand  :  '  Absent  from  Paris  for  the  last  five  months,  I 
do  not  know  what  has  been  done  with  regard  to  it.'     The 

»  Campbell,  pp.  317,  352. 


Czar  :  '  The  Treaty  is  not  being  carried  out,  we  are  bound 
to  demand  its  execution  ;  it  is  for  us  an  affair  of  honour  ;  we 
cannot  depart  from  its  stipulations  in  any  wa}^  Tlie  Emperor 
of  Austria  holds  as  firmly  to  it  as  I  do,  and  you  may  rely 
upon  it  that  it  hurts  him  to  know  that  it  is  not  being  carried 
out.'  Talleyrand  :  '  Sire,  I  will  report  what  you  have  done 
me  the  honour  to  say  to  me  ;  but  I  must  remark  that  in 
the  state  of  unrest  which  prevails  in  the  districts  which  are 
near  to  France  and  especially  in  Italy,  there  may  be  danger 
in  furnishing  the  means  of  intrigue  to  the  persons  who  must 
be  supposed  to  have  tendencies  in  that  direction.'  .  .  .  Lord 
Castlereagh  has  also  spoken  with  warmth  to  me  about  the 
Treaty  of  the  11th  April,  and  I  have  no  doubt  he  will  speak 
to  Your  Majesty  about  it. ^  This  question  has  been  lively  now 
for  some  time,  and  is  now  in  everybody's  mouth.  I  must  tell 
Your  Majesty  that  it  reappears  frequently  and  in  an  un- 
pleasant manner  ;  its  influence  is  felt  in  the  question  of  the 
Mont  de  IMilan,  which  concerns  so  many  of  the  subjects 
and  servants  of  Your  Majesty."^ 

Talleyrand  suggested  to  Louis  XVIII  that  it  might  be 
possible  in  return  for  certain  concessions  by  France,  to  induce 
England  to  make  the  payments  to  Napoleon  and  his  family. 
English  gold  would  apparently  not  have  had  the  effect  of 
French  gold  in  "  furnishing  the  means  of  intrigue."  Talley- 
rand made  no  reference  in  his  letter  to  the  removal  of 
Napoleon  from  Elba.  That  project  was  abandoned,  at  least 
until  Murat  had  been  dealt  with. 

At  St.  Helena  Napoleon  said  at  one  time  that  the  fear  of 
being  deported  conduced  to  his  decision  to  leave  Elba,  and  at 
another  time  that  it  had  not  influenced  him.  When  he  left 
Elba  he  may  have  known  that  he  M^as  not  to  be  attacked 
by  the  armed  force  of  any  of  the  Powers  until  IMurat  had 

^  Lord  Castlereagh  had  just  left  Vienna,  where  his  place  was  taken  by  the 
Duke  of  Wellington,  in  order  to  be  present  at  the  opening  of  Parliament ; 
he  expected  to  be  received  by  Louis  XVIII  in  Paris  on  the  way. 

2  Pallain,  "  Correspondeiice  of  Talleyrand  with  Louis  X\''III,  "  Vol.  I, 
p.  285. 

278  NAPOLEON   IN    EXILE  :    ELBA 

been  deposed,  and  probably  not  even  then  without  pre- 
liminary negotiation.  But,  whatever  may  have  been  his 
information  on  that  point,  he  undoubtedly  did  entertain 
a  hvely  fear  of  personal  violence  by  abduction  or  by 

Maiiotti  wrote  to  Talleyrand,  on  the  2Sth  September : 
"  Napoleon  goes  often  to  Pianosa.  I  have  been  assured  that 
there  being  no  suitable  house  on  the  island,  he  sleeps  on  board 
the  ship.  It  would  be  easy  for  TaUlade  to  seize  him  and  take 
him  to  the  island  of  Sainte  Marguerite."*  Taillade  was  at 
that  time  believed  to  be  disloyal  to  Napoleon.  I>up>ont. 
ICnktex  of  War,  wrote  to  Talleyrand  that  Napoleon  took  such 
precautuMis,  and  was  so  much  on  his  guard  that  it  would  be 
very  difficult  to  seize  him  on  the  island  of  Elba.*  At  sea  the 
chances  were  better.  When  a  Franco-Spanish  fleet  was  in 
the  nei^ibouihood  on  the  Murat  business,  there  would  be  a 
stTMig  tenqrtation  to  try  to  obtain  possession  of  the  person 
of  Napoleon. 

There  were  also  projects  of  assassination.  Joseph  sent  to 
his  brother  the  details  of  a  plot  that  had  come  to  his  ears. 
A  French  officer  at  Toulon  wrote  to  the  Comte  d'Artois 
that  he  was  in  a  position  to  have  Napoleon  murdered  by 
some  of  his  Elba  gendarmes.'  Fossombroni,  the  Minister 
of  the  Grand  Duke  Ferdinand  at  Florence,  told  Pons  that 
there  were  srhemes  against  Napoleon's  life.  Brulart.  who 
had  openly  threatened  to  kill  the  Emperor  when  at  the  height 
of  his  power,  was  now  sent  as  Governor  to  Corsica. 

Napc^eon  was  convinced  that  Brukurt  intended  to  have  him 
murdered-  He  told  Campbell  that  he  "was  prepared  for 
every  act  of  personal  hostility  and  oppression,  even  to  the 
taking  of  his  life.  Was  it  not  evident  that  there  was  some 
such  intention  against  him  in  the  choice  made  of  the  Governor 
of  Corsica — ^Brulart — a  man  who  was  employed  for  many 

I  ITuMW  ij»,  "  1815,  la  pRBiieTe  itiliiujUum,"  p.  173. 
*  Foarnaer,  A.,  ''Die  Geiieim  ptdna  aof  iesn  Wieaet  CoofreSj'*  ppi 
n9,  236l  '  HocisaTe,  '''1815,=  pL  174- 


years  by  the  Bourbons  while  in  England  in  plots  and  con- 
spiracies with  Georges  and  others  ?  Brulart  had  even  changed 
his  residence  from  Ajaccio  to  Bastia,  so  as  to  be  at  the  point 
nearest  Elba.  Since  then  he  had  never  gone  out  to  take 
exercise  except  with  four  armed  soldiers  to  accompany  him. 
Brulart  would  not  have  been  selected  with  any  other  view, 
for  he  had  no  connection  whatever  with  Corsica."  On  the 
15th  January,  1815,  Napoleon  again  spoke  to  Campbell 
about  Brulart ;  he  asserted  that  an  assassin  sent  by  him  had 
just  been  apprehended.  "  Napoleon  appeared  much  agitated 
and  impressed  with  a  belief  in  the  truth  of  wliat  w^as  stated."  ^ 
The  reference  was  to  a  Corsican  named  Ubaldi,  who  was  on 
the  staff  of  Brulart,  and  had  arrived  at  Portoferraio.  The 
affair  is  obscure,^  but  it  may  be  questioned  whether  Brulart 
was  scheming  to  have  Napoleon  murdered.  At  St.  Helena 
Napoleon  said  that  "  the  criminal  projects  of  Brulart  were 
a  mj^stery  to  no  one,"  and  that  he  had  been  obliged  to  have 
an  escort  of  twelve  Lancers  whenever  he  went  out.^  Napoleon 
was  justified  in  taking  every  precaution.  There  is  no  reliable 
evidence  of  any  actual  attempt  upon  his  life,  but  there  was 
every  reason  to  apprehend  an  attack  at  some  time. 

The  danger  was  obvious,  and  was  much  in  men's  minds. 
Any  stranger,  who  was  not  an  English  tourist,  was  liable  to 
be  suspected.  A  French  magistrate  who  had  been  dismissed 
from  his  office  by  the  Emperor  arrived  at  Portoferraio, 
and  was  set  down  as  an  assassin.  Rumour  said  that  he  in- 
tended to  kill  Napoleon  at  the  theatre,  the  Emperor's 
presence  having  been  announced  for  a  certain  evening,  and  a 
large  part  of  the  audience  that  night  was  armed  and  prepared 
to  defend  their  Sovereign.  The  innocent  Frenchman  duly 
took  his  seat  in  his  box,  and  was  received  with  furious  looks 
from  all  sides  ;   fortunately  for  him  Napoleon  after  all  did 

»  Campbell,  pp.  328,  3.52. 

-  See  Fournier,  A.,  "Die  Gelieini   polizei  auf  dem  A\'ieuer  Congress 
p.  418. 

*  "  L'ile  d'Elbe  et  les  Cent  Jours,"  Correspondance,  Vol.  XXXI,  p.  25. 


not  appear,  or  he  might  liave  been  severely  handled.  He 
was  one  of  the  few  who  had  no  weajjon  concealed  about 

Another  tmie  it  was  a  one-eyed  Jew,  a  bookseller  at 
Leipzig,  who  was  supposed  to  have  received  a  large  sum  of 
money  to  kill  Napoleon  with  a  dagger,  while  he  was  examining 
a  parcel  of  books.  Napoleon  believed  the  story,  and  the  whole 
island  was  organised  to  receive  the  Jew,  while  all  one-eyed 
men  were  treated  with  great  rudeness.  Even  the  Mayor  of 
Rio  Montagne,  one  of  the  Emperor's  chamberlains,  was 
violently  abused,  merely  because  he  had  lost  an  eye.  At 
length  it  was  officially  announced,  by  order  of  Napoleon, 
that  the  Jew  had  been  frightened  off  by  the  preparations 
made  for  his  reception.  But  Napoleon  continued  to  apos- 
trophise his  supporters  to  be  on  their  guard.  He  made  an 
appeal  to  Cambronne  to  be  ready  at  any  moment  to  defend 
him,  and  that  fiery,  rough  soldier  was  so  much  impressed 
with  anxiety  as  to  secret  dangers,  that  he  made  Portoferraio 
a  very  unpleasant  place  for  all  strangers,  except  the  English 
tourists,  who  are  always  so  easily  recognised. 

The  Guard  marched  every  day  into  the  Place  d'Armes, 
and  there  carried  out  its  drill.  Visitors  to  Elba  went  at  the 
appointed  hour  to  watch  the  manoeuvres  of  the  most  famous 
soldiers  in  the  world,  covered  with  medals  and  decorations 
given  them  by  the  greatest  Commander  ever  known,  and 
carrying,  many  of  them,  marks  of  the  wounds  they  had 
received  in  the  most  wonderful  campaigns.  Amongst  the 
crowd  of  Elbans  and  visitors  who  were  admiring  these  heroes, 
there  was  one  who,  for  no  ascertainable  reason,  attracted  the 
wild  eye  of  Cambronne.  He  went  up  to  the  unlucky  stranger 
and,  without  preliminary  enquiry,  at  once  began  to  abuse 
him  roundly,  and  as  the  man  was  too  astonished  to  think  of 
any  reply  he  was  assailed  with  threats  of  violence.  Then  he 
declared  he  had  been  a  War  Commissary  under  Bertrand,  and 
demanded  to  be  taken  to  his  former  chief,  who  was  able  to 
substantiate  the  fact.    Bertrand  expressed  regret  at  what  had 

K      S 
H       2 


occurred,  but  the  unlucky  visitor  thought  it  advisable  to 
leave  the  island  at  the  first  opjjortunity. 

Napoleon  could  forgive  a  mistake  arising  from  excessive 
zeal  and  a  too  active  suspicion.  He  was  heard  to  say  more  than 
once,  that  "  the  greatest  assassins  in  the  world  were  those 
who  wanted  to  murder  a  disarmed  enemy."  He  was  inspired 
by  policy,  as  well  as  actual  bodily  fear,  in  the  publicity  he 
gave  to  this  question.  He  told  his  followers  to  speak  much 
and  insistently  upon  it.  "  I  intend  to  make  complaints," 
he  said,  "  to  let  the  peoples  know  how  their  kings  are  treating 
me.    I  have  been  only  too  silent." 

The  attitude  adopted  at  St.  Helena  was  already  assumed 
at  Elba,  where  he  was  appealing  to  peoples  against  their 
kings,  and  accusing  the  latter  of  inhumanitj'  towards  him. 



NO  man  in  modern  times  has  acquired  a  reputation 
for  transcendent  unconquerability  like  that  of 
Napoleon.  The  feeling  was  widespread  that  he 
had  the  miraculous  ability  to  recover  from  any 
disaster,  however  portentous,  and  that  many  of  the  events 
which  seemed  to  be  defeats  were  prearranged  for  his  own 
purpose  by  the  immaculate  hero  himself,  as  steps  towards  a 
still  greater  triumph  over  his  enemies.  A  grenadier,  on  hear- 
ing the  report  of  his  death  at  St.  Helena,  in  1821,  expostu- 
lated :  "  Dead  ?  He  ?  It  is  evident  that  you  do  not  know 

This  inextinguishable  prestige  of  Napoleon  was  the  great 
dominating  force  by  which  Europe  had  been  coAved  ever  since 
the  battle  of  Marengo.  It  remained,  throughout  the  Elba 
residence,  the  standing  menace  which  could  not  be  ignored  ; 
it  governed  every  incident  of  the  six  years  at  St.  Helena  ; 
it  brought  about  the  apotheosis  of  1840  ;  it  created  the 
Second  Empire. 

That  the  conqueror  of  Europe  had  selected  Elba  as  a 
temporary  residence,  that  he  would  leave  it  when  he  chose, 
and  on  his  own  conditions,  was  a  common  belief,  and 
especially  among  the  Elbans  themselves.  Already,  in  June, 
there  were  confident  rumours  on  the  island  that  arrangements 
were  being  made  for  an  early  departure,  and  that  belief 
persisted,  and  grew  in  force  as  time  went  on.^ 

*  Bacheville,  p.  31. 

2  "  Island  Empire/'  pp.  194,  202. 



In  July  Campbell  reported  that  "  Napoleon's  schemes  begin 
to  connect  themselves  openly  with  the  neighbouring  con- 
tinent "  .  .  .  "  all  possible  means  are  taken  to  disseminate  the 
idea  of  Bonaparte's  future  return  to  influence  and  power, 
so  that  the  impression  becomes  only  too  general."  This  was 
only  two  months  after  the  Emperor's  arrival.  In  France, 
as  early  as  August,  there  was  a  report  that  Napoleon  had 
actually  left  the  island.  "  We  guard  the  cage,"  a  soldier  of 
the  Guard  was  said  to  have  written,  "  but  the  bird  is  no  longer 
in  it."  As  Angles,  Minister  of  Police,  observed  in  his  report 
to  Louis  XVIII,  these  rumours  revealed  a  dangerous  con- 
dition of  public  feeling.^ 

Mariotti  reported  on  28th  September,  and  again  on  25th 
November,  that  preparations  for  Napoleon's  departure  were 
being  made  at  Portoferraio.  A  woman,  Madame  de  Berluc, 
who  arrived  in  Paris  from  Elba  on  the  3rd  December, 
informed  the  Minister  of  Police  that  Napoleon  "  hides  a  design 
to  return  soon  to  France,  with  his  army  "  ;  the  officers  of  the 
Emperor's  suite  told  her  that  she  would  not  be  long  in 
France  before  them  ;  there  was  an  alternative  plan,  to  go  to 

To  make  enquiries  as  to  these  reports  Hyde  de  Neuville 
was  sent  from  Paris  to  Leghorn  and  Florence  ;  and  Mariotti 
despatched  a  secret  agent  to  Portoferraio. 

This  emissary,  whose  identity  is  still  obscure,  was  a  young 
Tuscan  who  had  served  in  the  Imperial  army.  He  left 
Leghorn  on  the  29th  November,  travelling  with  a  Milanese 
named  Litta,  who  had  been  in  the  service  of  Eugene,  and  wlio 
expressed  the  greatest  devotion  to  the  Emperor.  Arrived  at 
Portoferraio  on  the  30th  November,  the  agent  had  to  show 
his  passport  and  to  state  his  business,  which  he  said  was  to 
sell  oil ;  he  was  then  taken  with  the  other  arrivals  to  undergo 
the  scrutiny  of  Cambronnc.  Although  by  this  time  the 
regulations  were  strict,  most  new-comers  being  sent  back  at 

^  Campbell,  pp.  266,  268.     "Royaute  ou  Empire,"  p.  106. 
^  "  Royautc  ou  Empire,"  p.  169. 


once  and  few  allowed  to  remain  more  than  the  prescribed 
limit  of  three  days,  the  spy  was  permitted  to  land  and  to 
remain  unmolested. 

The  oil-seller's  reports  are  full  of  references  to  Napoleon's 
expected  departure  ;  it  is  the  chief  burden  of  his  com- 
munications. Men  drank  at  the  restaurants  "  to  the  Emperor 
and  his  future  disembarkation,"  and  all  said  that  "  things 
would  change."  A  female  spy,  the  bonne  amie  of  one  of 
Pauline's  suite,  reported  that  the  Princess  had  said  one  day 
at  table  that  ere  long  they  would  all  learn  of  the  plan  which 
had  been  concerted  between  Napoleon  and  Marie  Louise,  and 
that  there  would  be  a  complete  change  soon.  The  Emperor 
wanted  it  to  be  supposed  that  Austria  was  on  his  side. 

From  this  agent  the  oil-seller  also  learned,  on  the  1st 
December,  that  Napoleon  had  said  one  day  to  Drouot  : 
"  Well,  General,  what  do  you  think  ?  Would  it  be  too  early 
to  leave  the  island  during  carnival  ?  "^  This  is  the  first 
reference  by  Napoleon  to  his  departure  that  has  come  down 
to  us.  There  is  other  evidence  that  at  this  time  he  was 
meditating  a  move.  Peyrusse  says,  under  date  7th  December, 
that  Napoleon  had  received  a  visit  from  a  mysterious^ 
stranger,  who  had  brought  him  news  of  the  intention  of  the 
Allies  to  have  him  deported  to  St.  Helena  ;  that  from  the 
date  of  that  visit  the  manner  of  Napoleon  changed,  he 
became  curt  in  speech,  showed  temper,  and  shortened  the 
evening  parties  ;  and  orders  were  given  that  the  brig  should 
be  prepared  for  a  voyage.- 

Pons  also  records  that  from  the  time  that  he  heard  of  the 
St.  Helena  suggestion.  Napoleon's  demeanour  underwent  a 
change,  that  it  was  apparent  he  no  longer  considered  himself 
bound  by  the  Treaty  of  Fontainebleau.  Pons  had  been  a 
sailor.  The  Emperor  sent  him  a  confidential  letter  directing 
him  to  make  a  report  on  the  means  to  be  employed  for  the 
preparation  of  an  "expeditionary  flotilla."     Pons  understood 

1  Pellet,  pp.  118,  120  etseq. 
-  Peyrusse,  pp.  262-3. 


what  was  meant,  and  in  his  report  spoke  of  a  disembarkation 
upon  a  friendly  shore,  i 

Nothing  further  was  done  at  the  time,  but  it  is  evident 
that  the  St.  Helena  reports  turned  Napoleon's  mind  to  the 
preparations  of  defence  which  have  already  been  mentioned, 
and  also  to  the  more  characteristic  Napoleonic  method,  of  a 
sudden  and  unexpected  attack  upon  the  enemy.  At  the 
beginning  of  December,  1814,  Napoleon  had  resolved  to  take 
the  first  opportunity  for  a  return  to  France. 

Early  in  December  Litta  managed  to  obtain  a  private 
interview  with  Napoleon,  in  the  course  of  which  he  assured 
the  Emperor  of  the  loyalty  of  Italy  towards  him,  and  declared 
that  it  was  hoped  he  Avould  appear  there  once  more  "  to  make 
them  a  united  nation."  Coming  from  Milan,  the  headquarters 
of  Italian  discontent,  and  the  scene  of  Napoleon's  coronation, 
Litta,  gave  very  encouraging  reports  as  to  the  state  of  public 
feeling.  But  when  Napoleon  asked  whether  the  Italian 
troops  had  returned  from  Germany  he  was  told  that  all  had 
not  yet  come  back — an  important  matter  in  the  event  of 
an  attempt  on  Italy. 

This  conversation  was  communicated  by  Litta  to  the  oil- 
seller,  and  by  him  to  Mariotti,  who  reported  it  to  Campbell 
when  the  latter  was  at  Leghorn.  The  concluding  words  of  the 
interview  according  to  the  oil-seller  were  :  "  Litta  :  '  Sire, 
I  am  going  to  Naples.'  The  Emperor  :  '  Well,  before  depart- 
ing I  shall  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you  again '  {Avant  de 
partir  faurai  le  plaisir  de  vous  revoir).  The  oil-seller  added 
that  Napoleon  laid  stress  upon  the  words  avant  de  partir,  and  he 
evidently  thought  the  Emperor  was  referring  to  his  own 
departure.  The  oil-seller  was  an  Italian,  whose  French  was 
very  imperfect. 

Campbell's  version  is  :  "  Litta  :  '  I  intend  to  go  to  Naples,' 
Napoleon  :  '  Naples  ?  '  (He  looked  at  M.  Litta,  and  fell 
into  a  thoughtful  mood.)    '  I  will  see  you  again  before  your 

1  Pons,  "Souvenirs,"  pp.  372,  374,  377.  "Memoire  aux  Puissances," 
p.  108. 


departure  '  "  {Je  vous  verrai  encore  avant  voire  dipart).^  This 
has  a  more  probable  appearance.  Napoleon,  after  a  moment 
of  hesitation,  concluded  that  he  might  entrust  Litta  with  a 
message  for  Murat,  and  gave  him  to  understand  by  the 
emphasis  of  his  tone  that  he  counted  upon  seeing  him  again 
before  the  latter's  departure  for  Naples. 

The  oil-seller  says  Litta  left  Portoferraio  soon  after  the 
middle  of  December,  having  previously  been  summoned 
by  Napoleon  to  a  private  interview,  in  which  he  was  given  a 
special  mission,  and  was  charged  to  send  news  from  Naples. ^ 
This  confirms  Campbell  and  shows  that  Napoleon  was  using 
Litta  as  a  means  of  communication  with  Murat.  The  ten- 
dency to  twist  Napoleon's  words  from  their  proper  meaning 
and  make  him  speak  of  an  impending  departure,  is  significant 
of  the  feeling  prevalent  at  the  time. 

Every  week  or  two  there  was  a  confident  rumour  in  the 
island  that  the  Congress  of  Vienna  was  dissolved,  that  war 
was  about  to  break  out,  and  that  the  great  soldier  would  be 
sent  for.  Napoleon  one  day  said  :  "I  see  that  we  shall  have 
to  fight  again."  News  had  been  received  that  General  Koller 
was  coming  from.  Vienna  "  with  the  good  news  of  a  change  of 
the  throne."  Campbell  says  that  Napoleon  was  much 
interested  in  this,  he  "  seemed  to  view  the  report  with 
feelings  of  hope  and  eager  curiosity."  The  oil-seller  reported 
that  Marie  Louise  had  become  enceinte  as  the  result  of  her 
supposed  visit  to  Elba,  and  that  the  inhabitants  were  excited 
with  the  thought  that  "  when  Napoleon  is  on  the  throne  he 
will  not  forget  this  island."  Napoleon  had  said,  on  the  2nd 
January,  1815  :  "  We  will  pass  these  days  of  winter  as  well 
as  we  can,  and  we  shall  hope  to  pass  the  spring  as  agreeably  as 
possible."  These  ambiguous  words  had  caused  a  painful 
impression  as  the  troops  thought  they  meant  that  the 
departure  was  postponed.  Massena  was  about  to  "  attempt 
a  coup  in  favour  of  Napoleon."    "  The  opinion  is  unanimous," 

»  Campbell,  p.  346. 
2  Pellet,  p.  133. 


writes  the  oil-seller  on  the  6th  January,  "  that  the  revolution 
will  take  place  in  the  month  of  March."* 

Angles  reported  in  January  to  Louis  XVIII  that  at  Porto- 
ferraio  a  change  was  confidently  expected.  On  the  3rd 
February  he  wrote  :  "  Grain  and  flour  have  been  collected 
in  quantity  ;  they  came  on  English  ships."  On  the  22nd 
February  a  Genoese  captain  of  a  ship  from  Elba  had  said 
that  if  a  soldier  asked  for  leave  to  go  to  France  Napoleon 
would  say  :  "  A  little  patience,  my  friend,  we  will  go  to- 

There  was  also  a  very  general  belief  that  England  was  at 
work  in  secret  for  the  return  to  power  of  Napoleon.  The 
Elbans  had  seen  Napoleon  arrive  in  an  English  ship  ;  they 
heard  the  Emperor  extol  the  English  character  and  the 
English  nation  ;  they  knew  that  the  British  Commissioner 
was  the  sole  representative  of  a  foreign  nation  on  the  island, 
and  that  Napoleon  received  him  frequently  ;  they  had  to 
find  accommodation  for  the  English  tourists  who  came  in 
numbers  unusual  in  those  days,  merely  to  gaze  with  awe  and 
rapture  at  the  great  man.^  So  far  had  this  hero-worship  gone 
that  Admiral  Hallowell  remarked  to  Campbell  at  Leghorn 
that  he  "  disapproved  most  strongly  of  several  instances  of 
voluntary  court  and  unnecessary  visits  paid  by  naval  officers 
at  Portoferraio,"  and  that  he  issued  orders  to  stop  these 
pilgrimages  of  the  ships  of  His  Majesty  King  George. 

It  was  believed  that  many  of  the  English  visitors  had  mis- 
sions. A  certain  R.  W.  Murray  went  to  Elba,  where  he  was 
received  by  Napoleon,  and  being  supposed  to  be  a  natural  son 
of  an  English  Prince,  his  visit  was  regarded  as  evidence  of  an 
understanding  between  Napoleon  and  the  Royal  Family. ^ 

*  Pellet,  pp.  Ui,  135,  137,  144.  Houssaye,  'HHlo,"  p.  147,  makes  the 
surprising  statement  that  "  at  Elba  nobody  seemed  to  tliink  of  Napoleon's 
departure."     It  was  the  chief  topic  of  conversation  on  the  island. 

-  There  were  only  sixty-oue  altogether  during  Napoleon's  residence, 
according  to  the  official  list.     Pellet,  p.  Kw. 

^  Murray,  on  his  return  to  England,  was,  at  the  instance  of  Lord 
Castlereagh,  sentenced  to  transportation  to  Van  Diemen's  Land,  on  a  charge 
of  bigamy.  The  real  offence  was  believed  to  be  high  treason  ;  but  the  affair 
is  still  a  mystery. 


Adjutant  Pierre  Labadie  entered  in  his  diary  such  items 
as  the  following  :  "  12th  September  :  An  English  Countess 
has  arrived,  people  say  with  despatches  for  Bertrand.  20th 
September  :  Four  gentlemen  have  arrived  in  a  canoe,  dis- 
guised as  sailors.  21st  September  :  There  is  a  rumour  that 
Napoleon  has  received  despatches  from  the  English"  (the 
disguised  gentlemen).  "  20tli  November  :  Napoleon  has 
received  another  packet  from  the  English." 

The  oil-seller  writes  in  the  same  strain  :  "  The  English 
corvette  has  brought  a  considerable  sum  of  money  for  His 
Majesty,  and  Colonel  Campbell,  before  leaving,  has  had 
several  interviews  with  Napoleon.  ...  I  have  been  assured 
that  two  Englishmen  arrived  and  at  once  demanded  to  see  the 
Emperor,  who  had  just  gone  to  San  Martino.  The  English 
followed  him  and  delivered  two  packets.  His  Majesty 
returned  at  once  to  the  Mulini  Palace  ;  next  day  he  received 
the  strangers,  who  re-embarked  immediately  afterwards." 

When  Napoleon  was  about  to  embark  for  France  the  oil 
seller  was  told  at  the  office  of  the  French  staff  that  they  had 
positive  knowledge  that  the  Emperor's  departure  was 
undertaken  in  agreement  with  England,  owing  to  the  refusal 
of  Louis  XVIII  to  agree  to  the  English  demands. ^  Colonel 
Vincent  wrote  in  his  diary  that  Napoleon  had  said  that 
"  if  ever  he  left  Elba,  it  would  be  for  England  " — a  remark 
which  one  can  well  believe  was  actually  made,  and  meant. ^ 

Finally,  when  Campbell  absented  himself  just  at  the  time 
of  Napoleon's  departure,  it  was  concluded  throughout 
Europe — the  fantastic  idea  still  finds  support  on  the 
Continent — that  he  did  so  in  collusion  with  the  Emperor.^ 

In  spite  of  the  reports  that  reached  Paris,  the  French 
Government  declined  to  believe  either  that  Napoleon  would 
leave  Elba,  or  that  if  he  did  so  he  would  venture  to  reappear 

1  Pellet,  pp.  153,  157,  161. 

2  "  Me'moires  de  tous,"  Vol.  Ill,  p.  198. 

3  "  The  most  chimerical  idea  that  could  possihly  haunt  a  troubled  imagina- 
tion. This  ridiculous  opinion  has  still  its  defenders.  In  truth  it  would 
be  more  absurd  to  believe  that  Louis  XVIII  also  favoured  tlie  escape  of 
Napoleon."     (Houssaye,  "  1815,"  p.  200.) 


From  a  porirait  in  possession  of  General  Sir  H.  Grant. 
K.C.B.,  G.c.v.o. 


on  French  territory.  Even  when  news  arrived  ol  the  actual 
landing  on  the  French  coast  the  Minister  of  Police  mentioned 
it  with  indifference  as  an  absurd  story. 

The  British  Commissioner  was  not  so  confident.  He  met 
Hyde  de  Neuville  in  Florence,  and  told  him  that  Napoleon 
could  at  any  moment  escape,  and  that  he  suspected  an 
"  amicable  understanding "  between  the  Emperor  and  a 
Tunisian  corsair  which  had  visited  Elba,  had  gone  thence  to 
Toulon,  and  was  now  again  anchored  at  Porto  Longone.  "  I 
even  supposed  it  possible  that  a  conspiracy  might  be  formed  in 
Napoleon's  favour  at  Toulon  ;  he  could  be  conveyed  in  that 
ship,  and  that  the  first  intelligence  might  be  his  being  in 
possession  of  that  important  place  and  fleet.  M.  Hyde  de 
Neuville  took  memoranda  in  writing  in  my  presence  of  this 
information,  and  departed  the  following  day  in  post  haste 
to  Paris."! 

In  common  with  most  observers,  Campbell  thought  that 
if  Napoleon  left  Elba  he  would  make  for  Italy.  In  February 
he  was  writing  that  he  "  thought  it  possible  that  Napoleon 
was  preparing  to  desert  to  Murat  "  ;  that  Mariotti  agreed 
with  him  ;  that  they  were  "  always  looking  with  anxiety 
towards  Naples  on  account  of  its  vicinity.  ...  I  think  it 
almost  certain  that  Napoleon  is  prepared  to  join  Murat. "^ 

The  English  brig  Partridge,  Captain  Adye,  which  was  on 
the  Elba  station,  was  ordered  to  keep  a  sharp  look-out 
for  any  movement  to  the  Italian  coast  ;  she  made  frequent 
cruises  from  Leghorn  to  Portoferraio  and  on  to  Civita 
Vecchia,  and  back  again.  Campbell  relied  much  upon  the 
Partridge,  and  did  his  best  to  make  her  surveillance  effective. 
He  protested  with  effect  against  the  order  that  she  was  never 
to  remain  longer  than  twenty-four  hours  at  Elba,  "  for  fear 
of  causing  jealousy  to  other  Powers  "  ;  and  he  also  managed 
to  prevent  the  Partridge  from  being  sent  off  the  station  in 
order  to  escort  Prince  Leopold  of  Sicily  from  Leghorn  to 

'  Campbell,  p.  323.  2  Campbell,  p.  3G3. 



Campbell  was  suspicious  about  the  rock  of  Palmajola  in 
the  Piombino  channel,  on  which  there  were  two  guns  and  a 
howitzer,  and  some  soldiers  sent  by  Napoleon  ;  and  he  re- 
garded with  anxiety  Napoleon's  fortification  of  Pianosa,  and 
the  rumoured  intention  of  seizing  Monte  Cristo.  Murat's 
squadron,  consisting  of  two  ships  of  the  line  and  several 
smaller  vessels,  cruised  northward  as  far  as  Elban  waters, 
ostensibly  in  order  to  protect  Neapolitan  trade  from  the 
corsairs  ;  and  it  would  have  been  easy  for  Napoleon  to  make 
for  Pianosa  or  Monte  Cristo  on  a  pretended  tour  of  inspection, 
and  thence  to  board  one  of  the  Neapolitan  ships. 

Napoleon  was  anxious  about  the  French  frigates  Fleur-de- 
Lys  and  Melpomene,  because  they  were  placed  between  him 
and  France,  and  he  would  have  to  pass  over  their  cruising 
ground.  He  wrote  a  long  order  to  Drouot^  with  reference  to 
the  watch  that  was  to  be  kept  all- along  the  north  coast  for 
these  vessels,  and  sent  the  Abeille  to  Cape  S.  Andrea  on  the 
north-west,  to  cruise  from  that  point  and  observe  the  French 
ships.  Much  of  his  anxiety  was  due  to  fear  that  the  frigates 
had  been  sent  to  concert  with  Brulart  plans  of  abduction  or 
assassination.  From  this  time  very  few  strangers  were 
admitted  into  Elba,  and  the  police  had  instructions  to  send 
at  once  to  Napoleon  full  particulars  concerning  the  arrival 
of  every  ship  and  every  passenger  on  any  part  of  the  coast. 

These  fears  made  an}^  move  without  the  Guard  out  of  the 
question.  Napoleon  required  the  personal  consideration  and 
display  which  his  Guard  in  attendance  would  still  provide. 
He  openly  promised  his  soldiers  that  they  should  all  travel 
together.  He  would  never  have  committed  the  folly  of  Murat 
in  1815  or  of  Louis  Napoleon  in  1840  ;  he  saw  too  clearly  the 
danger  of  a  single-handed  dash,  without  any  show  of  force. 
The  magic  of  his  person  would  not  have  availed  him,  alone 
and  unsupported.  At  St.  Helena  he  expressed  his  contempt 
for  such  foolhardy  undertakings.  Life,  respect,  and  honour 
could  not  be  ensured  without  a  substantial  escort. 

*  Correspondance,  No.  216fi3. 


As  for  the  voyage  to  France,  Napoleon  had  crossed  many 
times  in  his  youth  from  Corsica,  a  journey  of  the  same  length 
and  nature  as  that  from  Elba.  He  had  also,  in  time  of  war, 
evaded  Nelson  and  the  British  Navy,  who  were  on  the  look- 
out for  him,  sailing  safely  from  Toulon  to  Egypt,  from 
Egypt  to  Corsica,  and  from  Corsica  to  France.  These 
experiences  gave  him  the  confident  expectation  of  a  fortunate 

Provided  the  embarkation  of  stores  and  men  w^as  not 
reported — and  this  danger  would  have  been  the  same  whether 
Italy  or  France  was  the  objective — the  voyage  to  France, 
though  risky,  was  not  a  desperate  adventure.  Napoleon  had 
escaped  greater  dangers  in  his  career. 

As  already  observed.  Napoleon  w^as  under  no  legal  obliga- 
tion to  remain  at  Elba.  He  knew,  however,  that  his  de- 
parture from  the  island  would  be  treated  as  an  assault  upon 
the  peace  of  Europe.  But  he  was  so  unhappy  at  Elba, 
and  his  prospects  in  France  were  so  bright,  that  he  resolved 
to  brave  the  hostility  of  the  Powers. 

His  discontents  were  many  and  serious.  Anxiety  about 
money,  as  we  have  seen,  was  not  one  of  the  chief.  He  had 
enough  to  last  several  years,  though  he  kept  that  fact  secret, 
and  made  a  great  clamour  about  his  poverty  ;  precisely  as 
he  did  afterwards  at  St.  Helena.  It  may  be  questioned, 
indeed,  whether  he  was  anxious  to  become  a  pensioner  of 
Louis  XVIII.  He  was  not  proud  of  the  Treaty  of  Fontaine- 
bleau,  and  of  the  money  stipulations  least  of  any.  The  non- 
payment of  the  promised  pension  was  an  indication  of  the 
feeling  of  Louis  XVIII,  shared  apparently  by  the  Allies, 
towards  the  Treaty. 

On  the  18th  December,  1814,  the  Ministers  of  the  King 
presented  a  report  in  which  it  was  proposed  to  confiscate 
all  the  property  in  France  of  the  Bonaparte  family,  and  Louis 
wrote  at  the  foot  :  "  Approuve.  Louis."*  This  was  a  pre- 
meditated act  of  belligerency  against  Napoleon,  carried  out 

'  Masson,  "Napoleon  et  sa  famille/'  Vol.  X,  p.  415. 


by  Louis  XVIII  and  his  Government.  It  was  not  a  mere 
"  postponement  "  of  the  obligations  of  the  Treaty  of  Fon- 
tainebleau,  but  a  deliberate  repudiation  of  that  agreement, 
an  attack  upon  Napoleon,  and  an  act  of  war.  He  was 
both  legally  and  morally  free  to  accept  the  challenge  and 
to  make  war  on  France  in  return. 

As  already  observed,  it  seems  probable  that  Napoleon 
learned  that  the  projects  of  deportation  had  been  set  aside 
for  the  time.  The  fear  of  assassination,  however,  continued, 
and  not  without  justification.  The  danger  was  very  real, 
and  it  was  one  of  the  chief  causes  of  the  escape  from  Elba. 

The  separation  from  wife  and  child  counted  for  much. 
It  was  another  example  of  the  bad  faith  with  which  he  was 
treated.  With  the  Empress  and  the  King  of  Rome  at  his 
side,  enjoying  the  titles  which  had  been  solemnly  guaranteed 
to  them  but  were  shamelessly  withheld,  the  Emperor  would 
have  obtained  the  consideration  which  had  been  promised, 
and  which  meant  so  much  to  him.  It  is  possible  that  their 
presence  might  have  deterred  him,  at  least  for  some  time, 
from  any  desperate  adventure. 

He  was  most  anxious  to  restore  his  damaged  reputation. 
He  wanted  to  show  the  world  that  he  was  still  "  the  man  of 
Austerlitz,"  especially  in  face  of  the  rumours  that  he  had 
fallen  into  a  state  of  degeneration  bordering  upon  imbecility. 

He  felt  very  keenly  the  imputations  which  were  current, 
of  a  want  of  courage.  It  was  said  that  he  had  deserted  his 
army  after  defeat  on  several  occasions.  The  inaction  at 
Fontainebleau,  the  abdication,  the  haggling  about  Elba 
and  the  title,  the  Treaty — which  he  never  liked  to  look  back 
upon — were  all  ascribed  to  a  craven  anxiety  as  to  his  person. 
While  still  at  Fontainebleau  he  had  been  stung  into  remon- 
strance at  these  charges  of  poltroonery — and  he  thereupon 
set  out  on  the  journey  through  Provence,  when  he  certainly 
did  show  the  white  feather.  Reflecting  upon  all  this  at  St. 
Helena,  he  said  to  Montholon  :  "  In  any  case,  my  return  from 
the  island  of  Elba  shows  that  I  am  not  a  nincompoop."    On 


another  occasion  he  said  :  "  The  fact  is,  that  what  instigated 
me  to  return  was  the  accusation  of  cowardice  ;  that  in  all  the 
libels  it  was  said  that  I  feared  death,  that  I  had  never  run 
any  personal  risk  ;  at  last  I  could  stand  it  no  longer."^ 

Here  we  have  the  secret.  There  was  an  appearance  of 
justification  in  much  that  was  being  said.  It  was  that 
element  of  truth  that  hurt  him.  Wife  and  child,  ample  funds, 
and  complete  security,  would  not  have  sufficed  to  quiet  the 
pangs  of  injured  vanit5\  He  would  rather  die  than  sit  tamely 
under  these  suspicions.  The  return  from  Elba  was  an  ex- 
pedition to  restore  his  honour. 

The  visible  restiveness  of  all  his  followers,  from  the  highest 
to  the  lowest,  the  universal  dislike  of  the  monotonous 
Elban  existence,  was  enough  to  drive  any  man  to  desperate 
action.  Even  the  Guard  was  discontented,  and  desertions 
were  frequent.  It  was  terrible  that  even  these  adorers 
should  want  to  leave  him.  On  the  20th  February  Peyrusse 
found  a  volume  of  Racine  on  Napoleon's  table,  with  a  mark 
against  the  line  where  Mithridates  exclaims  :  "  Ma  funeste 
amitie  pese  a  tous  mes  amis'''  (My  baleful  friendship  weighs 
on  all  my  friends).^ 

The  pettiness  of  Elba,  the  sham  royalty,  the  lack  of  respect 
which  he  sometimes  encountered,  were  very  trying  to  a  man 
with  his  history  and  his  proud  nature.  The  repose  and 
inaction  of  the  Elban  existence,  which  some  might  have  found 
restful,  were  intolerable  to  Napoleon.  His  fall  was  so  recent, 
the  wound  still  so  sore,  that  he  must  have  been  more  miserable 
even  than  at  St.  Helena.  He  gave  to  Montholon  as  one  of  his 
reasons  for  leaving  Elba,  that  "  I  was  so  unhappy,  that  I  was 
not  risking  much,  only  my  life."  Bertrand,  as  we  have  seen, 
made  to  Gourgaud  a  remark  in  the  same  sense.  Napoleon 
also  said  on  one  occasion  that  "  Elba,  where  we  were  so 
unhappy,  was  a  place  of  delight  compared  with  St.  Helena." 

^  Montholon,  "  Recits,"  Vol,  II,  pp.  170,  188.    Gourgaud,  "  Journal," 
Vol.  II,  p.  302,  gives  almost  the  same  words. 
^  Peyrusse,  llG9. 


But  even  here,  he  could  not  abuse  St.  Helena  without 
recalling  the  misery  of  Elba.  The  statement  to  Montholon, 
supported  as  it  is  by  the  testimony  of  Bertrand,  is  emphatic 
and  convincing.  Napoleon  preferred  death  to  a  continu- 
ance of  the  Elban  existence.  At  St.  Helena,  as  Gourgaud 
says,  his  reputation  Avas  higher,  he  had  the  extraordinary 
triumph  of  the  march  to  Paris,  to  console  and  gratify  his 
self-esteem.  1 

Finally  there  was  the  Corsican  spirit  of  vendetta,  which 
ends  only  with  death  ;  and  the  dominating  nature,  made  for 
action  and  for  command,  which  had  learned  to  regard  the 
first  place  in  Europe  as  a  necessity  and  a  right.  Napoleon 
had  been  too  long  a  Dictator  to  be  able  to  put  up  with  any 
lower  position.  It  will  always  be  a  matter  of  astonishment 
that  so  few  of  his  contemporaries  understood  his  character, 
in  spite  of  all  that  had  happened,  and  required  to  be  taught 
by  the  Elban  escapade.  The  career  of  Napoleon,  owing  to  the 
obstinate,  invincible  spirit  of  the  man,  could  end  only  in 
complete  triumph  or  utter  defeat.  He  had  to  be  either  the 
foremost  monarch  in  Europe  or  confined  in  a  secure  prison  ; 
there  was  no  third  alternative. 

jNIatters  came  to  a  head  soon  after  the  stranding  of  the 
Inconstant,  for  upon  that  vessel  depended  Napoleon's  power 
of  reaching  France.  Towards  the  end  of  December  the 
Inconstant  went  to  Civita  Vecchia.  Ramolino,  a  relative  of 
Napoleon,  had  been  acting  as  one  of  his  secret  agents  ;  a 
packet  was  delivered  to  him,  and  subsequently  he  came  on 
board.  On  the  4th  January  the  ship  sailed  for  Elba,  but  was 
driven  past  the  island  by  a  violent  storm,  and  after  rounding 
Capo  Corso  had  to  take  refuge  in  the  bay  of  San  Fiorenzo, 
on  the  north-west  of  Corsica.  At  San  Fiorenzo  she  was 
boarded  by  Colonel  Perrin,  sent  from  Bastia  by  General 
Brulart,  and  by  Albertini,  the  Commander  of  San  Fiorenzo. 
Perrin  and  Taillade  had  a  long  conversation  alone  in  the 
cabin,  and  Taillade  in  the  evening  dined  with  Perrin  on  shore, 

1  Gourgaud,  "  Journal/'  Vol.  II,  p.  303. 


when  they  were  again  left  alone  together  for  a  considerable 

Next  day  the  French  frigate  Uranie  appeared,  and  took 
up  a  position  close  to  the  Inconstant.  Her  Commander  paid 
a  visit  to  Taillade,  and  was  received  with  marks  of  distinction. 
He  offered  to  confirm  Taillade  in  the  rank  of  Lieutenant  if  he 
would  leave  Napoleon  and  return  to  the  service  of  France,  an 
offer  which  was  declined,  we  may  suppose  with  some  regret, 
for  Taillade  had  never  been  a  zealous  follower  of  Napoleon. 
The  necessary  repairs  took  several  days,  and  in  the  meantime 
Ramolino,  who  held  an  official  position  at  Ajaccio  which  he 
did  not  wish  to  lose,  was  in  hourly  dread  of  being  arrested 
and  brought  before  Brulart  to  explain  his  secret  communica- 
tions with  Napoleon. 

The  Inconstant  began  the  voyage  back  to  Elba  with  a  fair 
wind,  but  when  she  had  rounded  Capo  Corso  and  turned 
south  she  encountered  another  strong  gale  ;  the  brig  was 
driven  with  violence  into  the  outer  bay  of  Portoferraio,  and 
finally,  on  the  morning  of  the  12th  January,  went  ashore  at 
Bagnajo.  Cannon  were  fired  as  signals  of  distress  and  the 
inhabitants  of  Portoferraio  were  soon  upon  the  scene.  One 
of  the  first  to  arrive  was  Napoleon,  on  horseback.  He  was 
much  distressed  at  the  sight,  for  it  seemed  that  the  waves 
beating  against  the  vessel  would  soon  destroy  his  most  useful 
organ  of  communication  and  supply,  and  his  only  means  of 
escape  on  the  high  seas.  However,  the  storm  abated ; 
Ramolino  was  safely  landed — he  fell  upon  his  knees  on  the 
shore  to  give  thanks  for  his  preservation — and  it  was  found 
possible  to  lighten  the  ship  by  removing  her  stores  and  guns. 
Then  she  was  towed  into  the  harbour  of  Portoferraio,  and  in 
twenty  days,^  that  is  to  say  by  the  1st  February,  the  precious 
brig  was  once  more  in  a  position  to  put  to  sea. 

Napoleon  deprived  Taillade  of  his  command,  and  gave 
it  to  Chautard,  a  former  pilot  of  the  French  Navy  who  called 
himself  a  Captain  ;    he  had  arrived  in  the  island  about  a 

1  Pous,  p.  359. 


month  before  to  offer  his  services  to  Napoleon.  Under  Chau- 
tard,  Napoleon  placed  Taillade  as  Lieutenant,  in  spite  of  the 
latter's  poor  abilities  and  very  doubtful  loyalty.^  There  may 
have  been  no  choice.    Sarri  was  too  young. 

As  an  example  of  the  atmosphere  of  suspicion  which 
attended  Napoleon,  and  of  the  general  belief  in  his  habitual 
deceit,  the  comments  of  Peyrusse  are  illuminating. ^  He 
supposes  that  the  stranding  of  the  Inco?istant,  with  its  danger 
to  life,  and  the  grave  risk  of  the  vessel's  complete  destruction, 
was  planned  by  Napoleon  and  carried  out  under  his  orders, 
in  order  that  the  large  quantity  of  stores  required  for  the 
voyage  to  France  might  be  placed  on  board,  as  if  to  replace 
what  had  been  taken  out  ;  the  fact  that  an  extra  supply  was 
being  taken  might  thus  pass  unobserved.  When  a  loyal  and 
devoted  supporter,  a  man  fully  up  to  the  average  in  intelli- 
gence, writing  some  years  afterwards,  can  seriously  propound 
so  extraordinary  an  idea,  we  must  not  be  surprised  that 
Napoleon's  enemies,  when  employed  to  scrutinise  his  be- 
haviour, should  have  sometimes  been  too  suspicious.  By 
friend  as  well  as  foe  he  was  supposed  to  have  a  secret  motive, 
carefully  concealed,  in  all  his  acts  ;  he  would  even  contrive 
to  make  the  wind  and  the  sea  do  his  work  of  deceiving  the 

On  the  6th  February  Napoleon  again  spoke  to  Pons  of 
leaving  Elba.  He  referred  to  his  prospects  in  Italy.  He  said 
to  Pons  :  "  What  do  you  think  of  the  attachment  which 
the  Piedmontese  and  Genoese  have  shown  me  ?  "  and  added  : 
"  If  I  were  to  appear  in  Italy  there  would  be  no  civil  war 
to  fear,  for  Italy  is  all  of  the  same  party,  and  that  party  is 
for  me."^  It  is  not  probable,  however,  that  Napoleon  had 
any  real  intention  of  trying  his  luck  in  Italy. 

Pons  observes,  with  pride  :    "  Having  studied  much  and 

^  "  Some  persons  say  that  Napoleon  suspects  him  of  a  secret  understanding 
witli  the  existing  Government  of  France,  and  of  a  wish  to  destroy  the  brig.'' 
(Campbell,  p.  359.) 

-  Peyrusse,  p.  278. 

3  Pons,  "  Meraoire  aux  Puissances,''  p.  108. 

T.        a 


thought  much  on  the  point,  not  the  smallest  indication  has 
been  discovered  that  for  the  material  preparations  in  con- 
nection with  his  return  to  France  the  Emperor  addressed  him- 
self to  any  person  except  the  Administrator  of  the  Mines ; 
an  honourable  distinction  of  which  it  may  be  permissible  to 
boast  for  all  time."  This  is  corroborated  by  Napoleon's 
statement  to  Montholon  at  St.  Helena  :  "  Pons  alone  knows 
the  truth  ;  neither  Bertrand  nor  Drouot  were  in  the  secret 
of  my  return  ;  I  confided  only  in  Pons,  because  his  co- 
operation was  indispensable  for  the  preparation  of  the  vessels 
of  transport  which  Avere  necessary."^ 

Peyrusse  writes  :  "In  the  first  days  of  February,  His 
Majesty  asked  me  for  500,000  francs  (£20,000),  and  I  received 
on  the  same  day  the  order  to  go  and  establish  my  cashbox 
in  the  fort  de  VEtoile.  I  knew  enough  to  have  a  presentiment 
of  the  motive  for  this  displacement.  I  made,  in  the  greatest 
secrecy,  some  provision  in  flour,  wine,  potatoes,  and  salt  beef, 
and  I  awaited  events." ^ 

On  the  11th  February  Colonna  returned  from  a  visit  to 
Naples.  Napoleon  told  Montholon  at  St.  Helena  that 
Colonna  had  been  charged  by  Murat  with  the  information 
that  the  Congress  of  Vienna  was  dissolved,  and  that  the  Czar 
had  departed  ;  this  mistaken  assertion  had  made  him  leave 
Elba  too  early,  before  the  members  of  the  Congress  had 
dispersed."  The  statement  is  corroborated  by  Gourgaud, 
who  makes  Napoleon  say  :  "I  left  the  island  of  Elba  too 
soon.    I  believed  the  Congress  to  be  dissolved."'* 

The  arrival  of  Colonna,  Napoleon  said,  coincided,  un- 
fortunately, with  that  of  Fleury  de  Chaboulon.  This  young 
man  came  to  Portoferraio  with  a  message  from  Maret,  due 
de  Bassano,  Napoleon's  zealous  supporter.  Fleury  had  been 
a  sub-prefect,  and  had  resigned  his  post  at  the  Restoration, 
out  of  loyalty  to  Napoleon.     He  had  arranged  to  make  a 

^  Pons,  p.  877.     iMontholon,  "Rccits,"  p.  195. 

■^  Peyrusse,  p.  268. 

3  Peyrusse,  Appendix,  p.  1.33.     Montholon,  "Re'cits,"  Vol.  II,  p.  262. 

*  Gourgaud,  "  Journal,"  Vol.  II,  p.  323. 


journey  to  Elba  as  an  act  of  homage  to  the  Emperor,  and 
Maret,  hearing  of  this,  took  the  opportunity  to  prime  him 
with  the  report  he  should  make  of  the  condition  of  affairs  in 

Fleury,  in  his  memoirs,  does  not  give  the  date  of  his 
arrival  at  Portoferraio.  The  oil-seller  refers  to  it.  Having 
been  away  at  Leghorn  for  some  time,  he  was  back  at  his  post 
on  the  16th  February.  On  the  18th  he  writes  :  "  18th 
February. — I  paid  a  visit  of  ceremony  upon  Madame  Colom- 
bani,  and  having  asked  for  the  news  of  the  day,  she  told  me 
that  there  arrived  at  Portoferraio  from  France  a  few  days 
back  "  {il  y  a  quelques  jours)  "  a  distinguished  personage, 
disguised  as  a  sailor,  brought  in  a  felucca  from  Lerici.  He 
left  after  having  had  some  secret  conferences  with  the 
Emperor.  This  visit  very  visibly  pleased  Napoleon.  The 
police  wanted  to  identify  this  individual,  but  they  were  told 
not  to  meddle  in  the  matter."* 

From  this  report  and  the  statement  of  Fleury  in  his 
memoirs  that  he  arrived  at  6  p.m.,  and  left  in  forty-eight 
hours,  it  would  appear  that,  taking  the  phrase  quelques 
jours  to  indicate  more  than  three  days,  Fleury  must  have 
arrived  at  least  four  days  before  the  18th,  that  is  on  or  before 
the  14th,  and  must  have  left  on  or  before  the  16th.  But  if  he 
had  been  still  at  Portoferraio  on  the  16th,  after  the  return  of 
the  oil-seller,  the  spy  would  have  heard  of  the  presence  of  the 
mysterious  stranger  who  had  excited  the  attention  of  the 
police.  He  must  therefore  have  gone  before  the  16th,  on  or 
before  the  15th,  and  have  arrived  on  or  before  the  13th, 
which  would  still  be  quelques  jours  before  the  18th. 

This  conclusion  is  confirmed  by  Campbell,  who,  under  date 
15th  February,  writes  :  "  A  person  calling  himself  Pietro  St. 
Ernest  has  arrived  here  under  the  guise  of  a  sailor  from  the 
bay  of  Spezzia.  The  Commandant  de  Place,  the  Commissary 
of  Police,  and  other  officials  have  been  with  him,  and  have 
ordered  him  not  to  be  disturbed."  ^    This  clearly  refers  to 

»  Pellet,  p.  153.  ^  Campbell,  p.  360. 


Fleury  de  Chaboulon,  the  person  referred  to  by  the  oil-seller. 
Lerici  is  in  the  gulf  of  Spezzia. 

Fleury  was  told  to  inform  Napoleon,  from  Maret,  of  the 
grave  unrest  in  France,  the  unpopularity  of  the  Bourbon 
Government,  the  fears  of  royalist  reprisals,  the  plotting  of 
Fouche,  Thibeaudeau,  Davout,  and  others,  and  the  expecta- 
tion of  either  a  revolutionary  outbreak  or  an  Orleanist 
usurpation  ;  of  the  discontent  in  the  armj^  and  its  continued 
loyalty  to  its  great  leader. 

The  violet  was  the  Bonapartist  symbol,  and  its  coming  in 
the  spring  Avas  being  talked  about.  Rings  were  made  of  a 
violet  colour,  with  the  words  upon  them  :  "  Elle  reparaitra 
au  printemps.''  Ladies  wore  violet-coloured  garments,  men 
carried  watch-chains  of  that  colour.  "  Aimez-vous  la 
violette  ? "  was  a  frequent  question,  to  which  the  correct 
answer  was  :   "  Eh,  Men.'' 

All  this  was,  we  may  presume,  already  known  to 
Napoleon.  A  neat  phrase  of  the  day  ascribed  his  departure 
from  Elba  to  "  «n  peu  d'espoir  et  heaucoup  de  desespoir." 
But  his  hopes  were  not  slight ;  he  had  every  reason  to  expect 
that  he  would  be  received  with  enthusiasm,  provided  only 
that  he  had  not  been  forestalled  by  the  Orleans  faction.  The 
message  from  Maret  came  just  at  the  time  when  he  had 
already  made  up  his  mind  to  the  great  adventure,  feeling 
confident  that  the  Bourbon  Government  could  not  last  much 
longer.  Maret  would  not  take  the  responsibility  of  advising 
Napoleon  to  return  at  once  to  France  ;  all  that  Fleury  was 
authorised  to  do  was  to  lay  the  situation  in  France  before  the 
Emperor,  who  would  decide  upon  his  own  course.  Fleury 
had  two  long  interviews  with  Napoleon,  one  on  the  morning 
after  his  arrival  and  one  the  day  after,  and  he  left  (as  has  been 
shown)  at  latest  in  the  evening  of  the  15th  Februarj^  1814. 

Napoleon  said  to  Montholon  at  St.  Helena  :  "  Fleury  de 
Chaboulon  brought  me  news  at  Elba  of  the  conspiracy  in 
favour  of  the  Due  d'Orleans.  Davout  was  particularly 
urgent  for  my  immediate  return.     He  was  quite  right,  for 


the  coronation  of  the  Due  d' Orleans  would  have  been  for 
many  persons,  and  especially  for  the  foreign  Powers,  a  sort  of 
compromise  between  the  Revolution  and  the  Restoration." 

Napoleon  told  Fleury  that  he  did  not  believe  the  Powers 
would  again  unite  against  him,  and  that  if  they  did  France, 
inspired  by  the  spirit  of  179-i,  would  be  able  to  beat  them  off. 

On  the  16th  February,  the  day  after  Fleury's  departure. 
Napoleon  was  relieved  of  the  presence  of  Campbell,  who  left 
for  Leghorn  on  the  Partridge.  As  soon  as  the  British  ship 
was  gone  he  issued  orders  to  Drouot  to  prepare  the  Incon- 
stant for  a  sea  voyage. 

The  fatal  decision  was  taken. 



THE  relations  between  Campbell  and  Napoleon  had 
for  some  time  been  losing  their  early  cordiality. 
In  September  Campbell  concluded  from  some  re- 
marks made  to  him  by  Bertrand  that  it  was  hoped 
he  would  spend  much  of  his  time  on  the  Continent.  To- 
wards the  end  of  October  he  thought  it  advisable  to  tell 
Bertrand  that  he  expected  after  the  conclusion  of  the  Con- 
gress of  Vienna  to  be  able  to  "  exhibit  the  powers  of  a  per- 
manent and  ostensible  appointment." 

In  the  meantime  it  was  made  evident  that  his  presence 
was  no  longer  desired.  Napoleon  did  not  abate  his  civility, 
but  an  interview  with  him  was  becoming  less  easy  to  obtain, 
and  Bertrand  and  Drouot  were  not  now  always  polite. 
Early  in  February,  when  reporting  "  a  want  of  delicacy  and 
politeness  towards  myself,"  Campbell  writes,  "  Their  chief 
motive,  I  expect,  arose  from  a  wish  to  disgust  me,  and 
induce  me  not  to  remain  in  the  Island."^ 

Campbell  told  Bertrand  that  Napoleon  had  no  right  to 
the  possession  of  Pianosa,  or  of  Palmajola,  and  he  asked 
permission  to  visit  Palmajola.  He  complained  that  Ricci, 
formerly  British  Vice-Consul  at  Longone,  was  not  accepted 
as  Consul  at  Portoferraio,  without  a  commission  from  the 
British  Government.  Campbell  wanted  to  employ  Ricci 
for  the  transmission  of  reports  on  the  occasions  of  his  absence 
from  Elba,  and  for  that  purpose  it  was  desirable  that  Ricci's 

^   Campbell,  p.  3o7. 


papers  should  be  safe  from  seizure.  Campbell  also  pointed 
out  to  Bertrand  that  Genoese  and  Neapolitan  vessels  came 
to  Portoferraio  carrying  British  colours,  to  obtain  the 
security  of  the  British  Hag,  without  authority. 

In  answer  :  "  General  Bertrand  expressed  his  feelings  in 
very  strong  terms  ;  said  that  the  Emperor  and  all  of  them 
were  under  great  obligations  for  all  the  facilities  afforded  by 
me  as  the  British  Commissioner,  and  were  very  happy  at 
my  prolonging  my  stay  ;  that  they  wished  to  show  me  every 
attention,  that  I  must  know  all  the  reports  about  Palmajola 
were  absurd.  M.  Ricci,  he  added,  could  not  be  considered 
as  British  Vice-Consul  without  holding  a  commission  as  such. 
There  could  be  no  treason  or  injury  to  the  British  Govern- 
ment in  a  few  small  vessels  arriving  there  from  Genoa  or 
Naples,  although  they  might  perhaps  carry  the  British  flag. 
The  Emperor  lived  quietly  in  his  retreat,  and  therefore 
considered  all  this  as  meddling  {tracassant).  I  told  him  this 
was  a  very  strong  expression  ;  that  to  be  sure,  I  was  not 
accredited,  and  therefore  had  no  right  to  interfere  in  these 
matters,  holding  no  ostensible  situation  excepting  that  of 
Commissioner,  prolonged  there  originally  for  their  advantage 
and  at  their  request.  Now,  however,  it  was  my  duty  to 
notify  to  him,  that  neither  Pianosa  nor  Palmajola  had  been 
given  over  to  the  possession  of  Napoleon,  and  that  I  should 
report  to  the  British  Government  what  had  passed  in  regard 
to  the  points  now  under  discussion.  Our  conversation  was 
loud  and  warm.''^ 

Campbell  was  not  in  the  right.  Pianosa  and  Palmajola 
were  undoubtedly  under  the  jurisdiction  of  Elba,  and  it 
was  absurd  to  make  comijlaints  about  them.  Ricci  could 
not  be  accepted  as  consul  without  a  formal  commission  from 
the  British  Government.  And  there  was  very  little  harm  in 
the  carrying,  by  "  small  feluccas  and  other  boats,"  of  British 

Napoleon  afterwards  described  Campbell  in  much  the  same 

1  Campbell,  p.  361. 


terms  that  he  used  of  Sir  Hudson  Lowe.  He  said  that  of  all 
nations  England  had  the  greatest  number  of  men  remark- 
able for  their  independence  and  the  generosity  of  their 
character,  but  that  it  had  also  the  most  numerous  set  of 
vile,  base,  restless,  and  intriguing  agents.  Campbell  had 
shown  that  he  belonged  to  the  latter  class.  ^ 

It  is  interesting  to  observe  that  Napoleon  described  the 
British  representative  at  Elba  as  a  man  of  low  character, 
who  had  been  selected  for  that  reason  ;  that  he  denounced 
his  tracasseries  in  the  hope  of  driving  him  away,  and  as  part 
of  his  policy  of  complaint  as  to  his  treatment  ;  that  he  told 
Bertrand  and  Drouot  to  be  rude  to  Campbell,  with  the  same 
object  ;  that  Campbell  was  suspicious  and  meddling  ;  and 
that  after  all  he  was  not  nearly  suspicious  enough,  being 
deceived  by  Napoleon  as  to  his  departure,  while  at  the  same 
time  he  was  placed  in  a  position  which  led  the  world  to 
believe  that,  under  instructions  from  the  British  Govern- 
ment, he  was  the  defender  of  Napoleon  from  his  enemies, 
and  an  accomplice  in  his  escape.  These  significant  facts 
have  an  important  bearing  upon  the  history  of  the  St. 
Helena  captivity. 

Campbell  left  Portoferraio  on  the  16th  February  in  no 
friendly  mood  towards  the  Emperor  and  his  followers,  and 
carrying  a  despatch  to  Lord  Castlereagh  in  which  he  ex- 
pressed his  anxiety  as  to  Napoleon's  intentions.  He  showed 
the  despatch  at  Florence  to  Mr.  Cooke,  Under-Secretary  of 
State,  who  had  just  come  from  Vienna.  Cooke  laughed  at 
Campbell's  uneasiness.  He  said  :  "  When  you  return  to 
Elba  you  may  tell  Bonaparte  that  everything  is  amicably 
settled  at  Vienna  ;  that  he  has  no  chance,  that  the  Sovereigns 
will  not  quarrel.  Nobody  thinks  of  him  at  all.  He  is  quite 
forgotten — as  much  as  if  he  had  never  existed. "^ 

*  "  L'ile  fi'Klbe  et  les  Cent  Jour?,"  Correspondance^  Vol.  XXXI,  p.  28. 

-  Lord  Hurghersh  said  that,  at  his  request,  Mr.  Cooke  comphiined  to 
C.ampbell  of  hi^'  frequent  absence  from  Portoferraio  ("'I'he  Corresjtondeuce 
of  Lord  liurfjfhersh,"  p.  109).  He  may  liave  done  so  and  yet  used  the  words 
attributed  to  him  by  Campbell. 


Campbell  was  relieved  to  hear  this,  and  he  writes  :  "  After 
Mr.  Cooke's  remarks  I  began  to  fancy  that  my  near  view  of 
Napoleon  and  of  the  state  of  Elba  had  induced  me  to  exag- 
gerate circumstances."  This  observation  also,  with  its 
reference  to  the  effect  of  "  a  near  view,"  on  a  small  island, 
has  an  important  lesson  for  the  understanding  of  the  St. 
Helena  story. 

Campbell's  fears  were  soon  justified  by  the  reports  that 
now  began  to  reach  him.  He  hurried  back  from  Florence  to 
Leghorn,  which  he  reached  on  the  25th,  and  his  anxiety 
being  increased  by  what  he  heard  there  from  Mariotti,  he 
waited  with  impatience  for  the  arrival  of  the  Partridge. 

On  the  ICth  February,  1815,  Napoleon  wrote  to  Drouot 
that  the  brig  was  to  be  docked,  recoppered,  careened,  and 
made  in  every  way  ready  for  sea.  She  was  to  be  painted  like 
an  English  brig.  She  was  to  be  rearmed,  and  furnished  with 
biscuit,  rice,  vegetables,  cheese,  brandy,  wine,  and  water, 
for  120  men  for  three  months.  The  salt  meat  was  to  last  for 
fifteen  days.  There  should  be  spars,  and,  in  fact,  absolutely 
nothing  should  be  lacking.  On  the  24th  or  25th  February 
she  was  to  be  in  the  harbour  quite  ready.  She  was  to  carry 
as  many  boats  as  possible.  Pons  was  to  be  told  to  hire  by 
the  month  two  vessels  at  Rio,  above  ninety  tons  ;  one  was 
to  go  to  Marina  di  Giove  to  fetch  wood,  the  other  to  Porto 
Longone  to  bring  away  stores. ^ 

These  orders  contained  certain  subterfuges.  The  brig 
was  to  be  victualled  for  120  men  for  three  months,  which 
seemed  to  indicate  a  long  voyage,  perhaps  to  America.  The 
hired  ships  were  apparently  required  for  ordinary  work, 
fetching  wood  for  buildings,  and  continuing  the  dismantling 
of  the  fortifications  of  Porto  Longone.  To  add  to  the  decep- 
tion, Napoleon  continued  to  dictate  orders  on  the  affairs  of 
the  island.  On  the  17th  he  wrote  to  Drouot  about  the 
budget  for  1815,  remarking  that  he  would  increase  the  allow- 
ance for  the  Engineers — rather  a  suspicious  statement,  for 

^  Correspondence,  21674,  21675. 


he  would  have  made  no  increases  if  he  had  been  determined 
to  remain  on  the  island.  On  the  19th  he  wrote  to  Bert  rand 
about  the  funds  he  intended  to  employ  on  certain  roads  ; 
and  in  a  second  letter  of  the  same  date  said  it  was  his  inten- 
tion to  go  to  Marciana  towards  the  middle  of  June  or  the 
beginning  of  July.  He  continued  to  issue  orders  of  a  similar 
nature  up  to  the  22nd  February.^ 

On  the  17th  Napoleon  sent  Colonna  to  Naples  to  inform 
Murat  of  his  intentions.  ^  On  the  18th  or  19th  he  told 
Drouot  of  the  impending  move.  That  faithful  servant  was 
much  perturbed,  regretted  the  decision,  and  did  his  utmost 
to  dissuade  the  Emperor  from  the  adventure.  Bertrand, 
when  he  heard  it,  approved. 

On  the  20th  two  berlines  which  had  come  from  France 
with  the  Guard,  and  had  been  already  dismounted  and 
packed  by  Vincent  the  groom,  with  the  coffee-coloured 
landau  and  several  cases  of  silver,  were  carried  on  board 
the  merchant  ship  Saint  Esprit,  of  200  tons.  This  vessel  had 
arrived  from  Genoa,  and  was  promptly  commandeered — 
with  proper  financial  compensation.  On  this  day  Ricci 
reported  to  Campbell  that  the  two  large  feluccas  usually 
employed  by  Pons  in  taking  iron  from  Rio  to  the  Continent, 
had  put  into  Portoferraio  in  ballast  only. 

On  the  21st  the  oil-seller  wrote  in  his  report  that  it  was 
generally  expected  that  Napoleon  would  leave  in  March, 
and  that  evident  preparations  were  being  made  ;  the  brig 
was  being  victualled,  the  guns  laid  out  on  the  Linguella,  the 
Corsicans  were  being  given  uniforms,  and  each  soldier  was 
given  two  pairs  of  boots. 

On  the  22nd  the  order  was  given  for  the  horses  to  be  brought 
from  Pianosa.  The  oil-seller  himself  saw  sixty  cases  of 
cartridges,  with  other  munitions  of  war,  placed  on  the 
Inconstant,  and  the  Etoile  received  a  number  of  guns  and 

1  Correspondance,  Nos.  21670,  21677,  21678.  Retristre,  Nos.  180,  182, 
183,  184. 

2  "  L'ile  d'Elbe  et  les  Cent  Jours,"  Correspondauce,  Vol.  XXXI,  p.  34. 
Campbell,  p.  305. 


muskets.  It  was  said  they  were  for  Naples.  Peyrusse  was 
ordered  to  pack  all  the  Imperial  cash  in  strong  boxes  for  a 
voyage.  Drouot  told  Vincent  the  groom  to  prepare  his 
campaign  saddle. 

On  the  23rd  the  Inconstant,  Etoile,  and  Sai7it  Esprit  were 
visited  by  Napoleon  ;  they  were  steadily  being  loaded  with 
water  and  provisions.  The  oil-seller  now  learned  that  France 
was  the  real  destination,  and  he  determined  to  leave  in  a 
fishing-boat  early  the  next  morning  with  his  news. 

In  the  night  of  the  23rd  to  24th  an  exciting  event  occurred. 
About  midnight  the  Partridge  anchored  in  the  harbour.  It 
was  not  known  with  what  object  Captain  Adye  had  come, 
but  the  fact  that  the  ship  had  been  brought  right  into  the 
harbour,  under  the  guns  of  the  forts,  seemed  to  indicate 
that  there  were  no  suspicions  on  board,  and  that  the  timeli- 
ness of  the  visit  was  an  accident.  If  Campbell  was  returning 
it  would  be  necessary  to  place  him  under  guard,  but  Napoleon 
was  most  unwilling  to  use  force  against  the  British  ship  or 
the  British  Commissioner  ;  he  did  not  want  to  make  war 
upon  England  at  the  very  outset  of  his  enterprise.  While 
awaiting  what  the  morning  would  bring,  he  ordered  the 
Inconstant  to  put  to  sea  before  daylight,  that  the  condition 
of  the  brig  should  not  be  discovered — a  prompt  and  wise 
decision  ;  and  he  directed  the  soldiers  of  the  Guard  to  be  set 
to  work  early  in  gardening  and  transplanting  trees.  He  had 
given  them  the  piece  of  ground  adjoining  the  Mulini  Palace 
and  had  encouraged  them  to  work  there,  partly  to  employ 
their  time  and  prevent  them  grumbling,  and  partly  to 
conceal  his  project  of  departure. 

At  9  a.m.  Captain  Adye  went  on  shore.  He  had  an  inter- 
view with  Bertrand,  who  told  him  that  Napoleon  was  in 
good  health — though  Madame  Bertrand  told  him  the  Em- 
peror had  a  bad  cold.  The  Grand  Marshal  made  particular 
enquiries  as  to  his  plans  and  the  date  of  Campbell's  return, 
and  was  told  that  the  Partridge  would  sail  at  once  to  enable 
Adye  to  visit  and  examine  the  rock  of  Palmajola  by  daylight, 

BACK   TO   FRANCE  307 

and  would  then  return  to  Leghorn  to  fetch  Campbell  back  to 
Elba  on  the  26th. 

It  is  strange  that  Captain  Adye  should  have  learned 
nothing  of  the  project  in  hand.  He  had  no  reason  to  expect 
any  movement,  and  observed  merely  that  the  soldiers  of 
the  Guard  were  hard  at  work  gardening.  He  learned  nothing 
from  Mariotti's  spy,  the  oil-seller,  because  that  reporter  was 
convinced  that  Adye  was  acting  in  concert  with  Napoleon, 
under  instructions  from  the  British  Government  to  assist 
the  Emperor's  plans.  The  oil-seller  put  off  his  own  departure 
in  order  to  observe  the  movements  of  the  British  ship,  and 
when  she  had  sailed  and  he  wanted  to  follow,  he  found  that 
an  embargo  had  been  laid  on  all  shipping,  including  even 
fishing-boats,  and  that  he  could  not  leave  the  island. 

The  Partridge  left  Portoferraio  at  2  p.m.  on  the  24th,  but 
owing  to  light  and  variable  airs  she  did  not  reach  Palma- 
jola  before  dark,  and  when  Captain  Adye  was  rowed  up  to 
the  rock  in  the  morning  of  the  25th  he  was  refused  a  landing, 
as  Bertrand  had  known  would  be  the  case.  Adye  then  set 
sail  for  Leghorn,  but  there  was  little  breeze  and  he  made 
slow  progress.  On  the  way  he  passed  near  enough  to  Porto- 
ferraio to  be  able  to  see  that  the  Inconstant  had  returned 
and  was  at  anchor  in  the  harbour  at  6  p.m.  of  the  25th 

The  Partridge  arrived  in  Leghorn  roads  at  noon  on  the 
next  day,  Sunday,  the  26th  February.  Adye  saw  Campbell 
on  shore  at  2  p.m.  and  endeavoured  to  dispel  his  anxiety 
by  the  information  he  brought  of  perfect  quiet  at  Porto- 
ferraio, but  Campbell  was  not  to  be  reassured.  There  was 
no  mistaking  the  meaning  of  the  communications  to  Mariotti 
from  the  oil-seller,  to  Campbell  himself  from  Ricci,  and  to 
General  Spannocchi,  the  Governor  of  Leghorn,  from  other 
sources.  At  8  p.m.  Campbell  and  Adye  were  on  board  the 
Partridge.  At  the  same  hour  the  firing  of  a  cannon  at 
Portoferraio  was  announcing  the  arrival  of  the  Emperor  on 
board  the  Inconstant,  and  giving  the  signal  for  departure. 


After  the  Partridge  left  on  the  24th  a  strict  embargo  was 
enforced,  no  departure  from  the  island  being  permitted. 

On  the  25th  Napoleon  held  a  reception  of  the  chief  digni- 
taries of  the  island  and  formally  announced  his  approaching 
departure.  The  President  of  the  Tribunal  in  reply  said  that 
his  Elban  subjects  were  torn  with  conflicting  emotions, 
sorrow  at  the  Emperor's  leaving  them,  and  joy  at  his  return 
to  the  path  of  glory.  A  reference  being  made  to  Italy, 
Napoleon  interrupted  with  the  exclamation  :  "  France ! 
France  !  "  which  left  no  doubt  as  to  his  objective. 

The  Partridge  was  then  still  in  the  neighbourhood,  and 
when  Adye  at  6  p.m.  came  near  enough  to  see  the  Inconstant 
he  did  not  escape  observation  himself.  By  the  time  he  had 
sailed  away  it  was  too  late  to  embark  the  soldiers  and  then 
sail,  with  any  hope  of  being  able  to  pass  beyond  Capraia 
and  the  French  cruisers  before  daylight.  Napoleon,  who 
remained  indoors  all  day,  was  occupied  in  preparing  three 
proclamations,  which  were  printed  that  evening  to  be  ready 
for  distribution  in  France.  According  to  the  reminiscences 
of  Madame  Mere,  dictated  to  her  companion  Rosa  Mellini 
years  afterwards  at  Rome,  Napoleon  told  her  on  this  day  of 
the  hazard  he  was  about  to  run.  After  dinner,  at  the  Mulini 
Palace,  he  broke  up  the  game  of  cards  in  which  he  was 
engaged  and  went  into  the  garden  outside.  His  mother 
followed.  It  was  a  fine  moonlight  night.  She  found  him 
walking  rapidly  up  and  down  by  the  parapet  overlooking 
the  sea.  She  asked  what  troubled  him,  and  he  replied  that 
he  intended  to  make  an  attempt  on  France,  what  was 
her  opinion  ?  She  replied  :  "If  death  must  be  your 
fate,  my  son,  Providence,  which  has  not  desired  that  it 
should  occur  in  a  period  of  an  idleness  which  is  unworthy  of 
you,  will  not  wish,  I  hope,  that  it  should  be  by  poison,  but 
sword  in  hand." 

The  next  day,  Sunday,  the  26th,  at  the  customary  recep- 
tion. Napoleon  announced  that  the  departure  would  take 
place  that  evening.     At  9  a.m.  there  was  the  usual  Sunday 


Mass.  At  11  a.m.  a  small  boat  came  in  with  the  news  that 
there  were  no  signs  at  sea  of  the  Partridge  or  of  the  French 
cruisers.  The  soldiers  having  dispersed  as  usual  after  their 
Sunday  dinner,  special  orders  had  to  be  sent  out  to  recall 
them  ;   some  of  them  were  not  found  and  were  left  behind.^ 

At  five  the  embarkation  commenced.  At  seven  Napoleon 
embraced  his  mother  and  sister,  and  then  drove  down  from 
the  Mulini  Palace  in  Pauline's  small  carriage  with  its  low 
wheels  and  two  ponies  ;  they  went  at  a  walk  in  order  to 
enable  the  followers  to  keep  pace  on  foot.  Bertrand,  Drouot, 
Peyrusse,  Fourreau-Beauregard,  Rathery,  Marchand,  Pons, 
with  the  Palace  domestics,  all  walked  down  the  hill  behind 
the  carriage.  At  the  quay  Napoleon  embarked  on  the 
Caroline  to  be  taken  to  the  Inconstant.  The  crowd  which 
had  assembled  gave  some  faint-hearted  cheers  for  the 
Emperor.  With  him  went  the  abnormal  prosperity  Porto- 
ferraio  had  been  enjoying,  and  many  of  his  suite  left  their 
debts  unpaid. 

The  flotilla  consisted  of  seven  vessels  :  the  brig-of-war 
Inconstant,  which  normally  carried  eighteen  guns  and  now 
had  twenty-six  ;  the  merchant  brig  Saint  Esprit,  hired  for 
the  occasion  ;  the  bombard  Etoile,  six  guns  ;  the  feluccas 
Saint  Joseph  and  Caroline ;  and  the  other  large  feluccas  sent 
from  Rio. 

On  these  vessels  were  embarked  altogether  about  1150 
persons,  composed  as  follows  : — 

Old  Guard  (grenadiers,  chasseurs,  sailors,  gunners)       .  600 

Polish  Lancers  (with  their  saddles,  but  not  their  horses)  100 

Corsican  Battalion   .......  300 

Gendarmes  (mostly  Italians  and  Corsicans)           .          .  50 

Civilians  (including  servants)     .....  100 


^  Letter  of  Demons,  who  was  Lieutenant  of  tlie  Guard  at  Elba,  dated 
lOtli  September,  1866.     ("  Nuovi  Uocumeuti,"  p.  G.) 


The  whole  of  the  Emperor's  retinue  went  on  board — all 
the  palace  officials  and  domestics,  from  the  highest  to  the 

The  Inconstant  carried  the  Emperor,  his  Staff,  the  superior 
court  officials  and  chief  domestics,  and  the  grenadiers  of 
the  Guard.  The  chasseurs  and  gunners  of  the  Guard,  the 
Poles,  four  field-guns.  Napoleon's  carriage,  the  saddle  and 
harness  horses  and  the  horses  of  the  Polish  Lancers,  went  on 
the  Saint  Esprit.  The  sailors  of  the  Guard  and  the  bulk  of 
the  civilians  and  domestics  went  on  the  Caroline  ;  and  the 
Corsicans  and  gendarmes  were  distributed  among  the  other 
vessels.  Each  ship  carried  Napoleon's  Elban  flag,  with  the 
red  stripe  and  the  three  golden  bees.^ 

The  night  was  fine  and  still.  Napoleon  ordered  the  oars 
to  be  used  until  his  ships  were  clear  of  the  land,  and  then, 
about  midnight,  a  slight  breeze  was  obtained  from  the 
south.  The  brilliant  moon  was  unfortunate,  but  it  enabled 
the  lights  to  be  kept  burning,  for  the  ships  themselves  being 
plainly  visible,  the  absence  of  lights  on  board  would  have 
aroused  suspicion. 

While  Napoleon  was  making  steady  though  slow  progress, 
the  Partridge  lay  becalmed  at  Leghorn.  Adye  in  his  report 
afterwards  wrote  :  "  Had  there  been  a  breath  of  wind  I 
should  have  instantly  sailed,"  but  he  did  not  think  of  using 
oars  and  so  getting  the  advantage  of  the  light  air  at  sea, 
which  was  helping  Napoleon.  He  remained  at  anchor  until 
4  a.m.,  when  "  a  light  breeze  sprang  up  from  the  eastward." 
If  he  had  realised  the  urgency  of  the  moment  he  would  have 
made  progress  of  some  sort  in  one  way  or  another  ;  and  in 
that  case  it  is  probable  that  he  would  have  met  the  Incon- 
stant. Campbell  had  decided  upon  his  course  of  action  in 
such  an  event.  While  the  Partridge  lay  at  anchor  he  wrote 
to  Lord  Burghersh  in  the  following  terms  :  "In  case  of 
Napoleon  quitting  Elba,  and  any  of  his  vessels  being  dis- 
covered with  troops  on  board,  I  shall  request  Captain  Adye 
*  Correspoudaiice,  Vol.  XXXI,  p.  133. 


to  intercept,  and,  in  case  of  their  offering  the  shghtest 
resistance,  to  destroy  them.  I  am  confident  that  both  he 
and  I  will  be  justified  by  our  sovereign,  our  country,  and  the 
world,  in  proceeding  to  any  extremity  upon  our  own  re- 
sponsibility in  a  case  of  so  extraordinary  a  nature.  I  shall 
feel  that  in  the  execution  of  my  duty,  and  with  the  military 
means  which  I  can  procure,  the  lives  of  this  restless  man 
and  his  misguided  associates  and  followers  are  not  to  be  put 
in  competition  with  the  fate  of  thousands  and  the  tran- 
quillity of  the  world."  ^ 

If  the  wind  had  blown  from  the  north  or  north-east  with 
some  strength,  as  it  often  does  at  that  time  of  the  year, 
Napoleon  would  have  been  held  fast  at  Portoferraio,  or  at 
least  would  have  been  unable  to  get  out  of  the  range  of 
danger,  while  the  Partridge  would  have  reached  Elban 
w^aters  in  a  very  short  time.  An  encounter  would  have 
occurred,  and  the  Inconstant,  in  her  crowded  condition  and 
with  her  scratch  crew,  would  have  been  no  match  for  the 
British  ship.  Napoleon  would  have  been  killed  or  taken 

By  8  a.m.  on  the  27th  the  Inconstant  was  near  to  the 
island  of  Capraia,  on  its  south-east.  The  Partridge  was  only 
four  hours  out  from  Leghorn,  and  making  little  progress. 
A  French  brig,  the  Zephyr,  Captain  Andrieux,  was  approach- 
ing Capraia  from  the  west,  having  taken  a  company  of 
soldiers  to  Corsica,  on  her  way  from  Toulon  to  Leghorn. 
The  French  frigate  Fleur-de-Lys  was  near  Capraia  on  the 
north-west,  on  her  ordinary  course  to  watch  for  vessels 
carrying  recruits  from  Corsica  to  Elba.  The  French  frigate 
Melpomene  was  cruising  on  the  same  mission  south-west  of 
Capraia.  This  vessel  cannot  have  been  far  from  the  hi- 
constant  and  her  six  attendants. 

Eight  hours  later,  at  4  p.m.,  the  Inconstant  had  rounded 
Capraia,  and  was  to  the  north-west  of  that  island.  The 
Fleur-de-Lys  was  not   far  away.      The  Partridge  was  now 

1  Campbell,  p.  3G8. 


twelve  hours  out  from  Leghorn,  and  in  spite  of  the  feeble 
breeze  had  arrived  near  Capraia  on  the  north-east.  Both 
these  vessels  were  seen  by  those  on  board  the  InconstanU 
but  neither  of  them  reported  having  seen  her.  Perhaps  she 
eseaped  observation  owing  to  her  disguise.  The  Fleur-de-Lys 
may  be  excused  for  ignoring  the  distant  vessel,  for  she  had 
no  warning  of  any  unusual  proceedings,  but  Campbell  and 
Adye  should  not  have  allowed  a  brig,  English  or  not,  to  pass 
without  examination.  They  had  both  been  deceived  by 
Napoleon.  Campbell  was  sure  that  he  had  gone  to  Italy, 
and  Adye  was  equally  convinced  that  the  Inconstant  was 
still  where  he  had  last  seen  her,  at  anchor  in  the  harbour  of 

The  Zephyr  meanwhile  was  sailing  in  a  direction  which 
would  bring  her  across  the  track  of  the  Inconstant,  and 
presently  the  two  ships  came  to  close  quarters.  On  board 
the  Inconstant  preparations  for  defence  were  made,  but  when 
Taillade  recognised  the  Zephyr,  a  vessel  he  knew  well,  com- 
manded by  Andrieux,  a  comrade  and  friend  of  his  own,  it 
was  hoped  that  amicable  relations  might  be  established. 
The  grenadiers  were  ordered  to  hide  under  the  bridge,  or 
elsewhere.  Andrieux  did  not  at  first  recognise  the  disguised 
ship  ;  he  stared  at  her  for  some  time  through  his  glass. 
Then  he  hailed  and  Taillade,  after  an  interval  of  silence,  in 
which  he  was  receiving  Napoleon's  instructions,  replied, 
giving  the  name  of  the  ship  :  "  The  Inconstant.  Where  are 
you  going  ?  "  "To  Leghorn,"  came  the  answer  ;  "  and  you  ?  " 
Still  prompted  by  Napoleon,  Taillade  replied  :  "  To  Genoa. 
Have  you  any  commissions  for  me  there  ?  "  "  No,  thank 
you.  And  how  is  the  great  man  ?  "  Napoleon  told  him  to 
shout  back  :    "  He  is  wonderfully  well."    So  they  separated. 

The  instructions  delivered  to  the  commander  of  the 
Zephyr  at  Toulon  by  the  Maritime  Prefect,  from  the  Minister 
of  Marine,  had  been  that  he  was  "  to  repair  to  Leghorn  and 
establish  in  those  waters  a  cruise  of  observation  with  regard 
to  which  he  will  conform  to  the  indications  and  particular 


napoleon's  elban  standard 

Fiom  an  English  engiaving  of  August,   1823 


instructions  of  General  Mariotti,  Consul  of  France  in  Tus- 
cany."^ He  did  not  know  that  he  was  being  sent  for  the 
express  purpose  of  watching  and  following  the  Inconstant. 
He  was  to  receive  that  news  at  Leghorn.  In  the  meantime, 
he  had  no  instructions  as  to  his  behaviour  towards  the 
Inconstant,  and  even  if  his  suspicions  had  been  aroused  it 
would  still  have  been  his  duty  to  proceed  to  Leghorn. 

It  was  only  after  persistent  appeals  from  Mariotti  that 
the  French  Government  had  at  last  consented  to  send  him 
the  Zephyr,  and  then  she  arrived  too  late.  Mariotti  wrote 
to  Jaucourt  :  "  The  brig  Zephyr  arrived  only  yesterday 
evening  at  Leghorn,  and  her  captain  came  to  me  this  morning 
to  inform  me  he  was  at  my  disposal.  He  told  me  that  he 
had  encountered  yesterday  the  brig  Inconstant  near  Capraia. 
If  the  Zephyr  had  arrived  here  forty-eight  hours  earlier  I 
should  have  given  instructions  of  such  a  nature  that  the 
brig  Inconstant  would  not  have  escaped."  To  the  due 
Dalberg,  one  of  the  French  plenipotentiaries  at  Vienna,  he 
wrote  :  "If  the  Zephyr  had  been  here  forty-eight  hours 
sooner  I  should  have  given  such  instructions  that  the  In- 
constant  would  have  either  been  captured  or  sent  to  the 
bottom  with  her  cargo."  Mariotti  agreed  with  Campbell, 
that  if  Napoleon  were  found  leading  an  armed  expedition  on 
the  high  seas,  his  progress  should  be  stopped  by  force. 

"  In  the  course  of  the  day,"  writes  Campbell,  on  the  27th, 
"  we  saw  the  French  brig  Zephyr.''  In  all  probability  it  was 
the  Inconstant  they  saw.  They  knew  from  Mariotti  that  the 
Zephyr  was  expected  and  so  concluded  that  was  the  ship 
that  came  in  view. 

In  the  night  of  the  27th  February  the  wind  freshened, 
and  by  daylight  of  the  28th  the  Inconstant  was  out  of  the 
danger  zone.  The  Fleur-de-Lys  and  Melpomene  continued 
to  cruise  over  the  waters  she  had  passed  ;  the  Zephyr  pro- 
ceeded at  a  holidaj^  pace  towards  Leghorn  ;  the  Partridge 
at  last,  on  the  morning  of  the  28th,  reached  Portoferraio. 

*  Firmin-Didot,  "  Royaute  ou  Empire,"  p.  264. 


In  a  despatch  sent  off  from  Lcgliorn  on  the  evening  of 
the  26th  February  Campbell  explained  what  he  expected  to 
find  and  how  he  should  act.  He  thought  he  would  discover 
that  Napoleon  had  gone  with  his  Guard  to  Gaeta  or  Civita 
Vecchia,  or  to  meet  Murat  at  Pianosa  or  Monte  Cristo.  He 
said  that  the  Partridge  would  not  anchor  in  the  harbour  of 
Portoferraio  for  fear  of  capture  ;  that  he  himself  would  on 
landing  demand  an  interview  with  Napoleon,  and  if  he 
found  that  the  Emperor  was  still  on  the  island,  and  that  he 
(Campbell)  was  not  detained,  he  would  return  to  the  ship, 
which  would  remain  outside  the  harbour  to  watch  proceedings. 
He  desired  Lord  Burghersh  to  request  Captain  Thomson, 
R.N.,  the  senior  officer  at  Genoa,  to  send  one  of  his  vessels — 
he  had  a  ship  of  the  line,  a  frigate,  and  a  brig — to  w^atch  or 
pursue  Napoleon. 

In  accordance  v/ith  this  arrangement  the  Partridge  re- 
mained outside  the  harbour  while  Campbell  went  on  in  the 
ship's  boat,  it  being  agreed  that  if  he  did  not  return  within 
two  hours  it  should  be  assumed  that  he  had  been  detained, 
and  Captain  Adye  should  take  the  Partridge  to  Piombino 
and  send  from  thence  a  despatch  to  Lord  Burghersh. 

On  landing  Campbell  noticed  at  once  that  the  Guard  had 
gone,  and  he  was  told  of  the  departure  of  the  expedition  by 
an  English  visitor,  Mr.  Grattan,  who  had  been  detained  by 
the  embargo.  From  him  Campbell  learned  that  the  ships 
had  been  seen  a  little  north  of  Capraia  as  late  as  2  p.m.  of 
the  27th,  and  he  concluded  therefore,  after  much  considera- 
tion and  hesitation,  that  Napoleon's  goal  was  to  the  north. 
Every  act  of  Napoleon's  was  regarded  as  probably  intended 
to  deceive,  and  the  movement  to  the  north  was  construed 
by  Adye — who  was  singularly  unfortunate  in  all  his  estimates 
— as  intended  to  conceal  a  voyage  to  the  south,  an  interpre- 
tation which  aroused  misgivings  in  Campbell's  mind.  He 
attempted  to  get  at  the  truth  from  Madame  Bertrand.  He 
told  her  that  Napoleon  had  been  overtaken  in  the  Naples 
direction,   and  would  infallibly   be  captured,   but   Madame 


Bertrand  stood  the  shock  bravely  and  did  not  give  away 
her  secret. 

Pauline  made  love  to  him.  "  She  came  out  and  made  me 
sit  down  beside  her,  drawing  her  chair  gradually  still  closer, 
as  if  she  waited  for  me  to  make  some  private  communication. 
She  then  protested  her  ignorance  of  Napoleon's  intended 
departure  till  the  very  last  moment,  and  of  his  present 
destination  ;  laid  hold  of  my  hand  and  pressed  it  to  her 
heart  that  I  might  feel  how  much  she  was  agitated.  How- 
ever, she  did  not  appear  to  be  so,  and  there  was  rather  a 
smile  upon  her  countenance." 

Campbell  did  not  dally  with  the  siren,  but  was  back  on 
the  Partridge  within  the  stipulated  two  hours.  At  3  p.m. 
he  sent  off  Mr.  Grattan  in  a  fishing-boat  to  Leghorn,  with 
the  news  which  was  to  call  Europe  once  more  to  arms. 

It  was  finally  decided,  after  much  discussion,  that  the 
Partridge  should  sail  for  Antibes.  Campbell's  reasons  were 
that  "  there  was  always  a  probability  of  overtaking  Napoleon 
if  he  had  gone  in  that  direction  ;  there  was  none  if  he  had 
gone  to  Naples.  The  horses  and  guns,  which  he  was  said 
certainly  to  have  embarked,  could  be  of  no  use  at  Naples, 
but  only  an  encumbrance  ;  although  to  be  sure  it  might 
have  been  a  mask  to  make  me  believe  that  he  had  gone 
there,  and  he  might  afterwards  have  thrown  them  over- 

Napoleon's  reputation  for  duplicity  was  such  as  to  paralyse 
the  intelligence  of  his  contemporaries.  Campbell,  however, 
reflected  that  he  would  not  have  encumbered  himself  with 
so  many  Corsicans,  who  could  not  be  thrown  overboard 
when  they  had  served  their  purpose  of  misleading  people 
as  to  his  intentions,  and  they  would  have  been  of  no  im- 
portance as  an  additional  force  at  Naples.  "  I  think,"  he 
concluded,  "  his  destination  is  for  the  frontier  of  Piedmont, 
next  France,  and  that  he  will  take  possession  of  some  strong 
place  near  Nice,  or  between  that  and  Turin,  dispersing  his 
civil  followers  immediately  over  North  Italy,  of  which  he 


will  proclaim  the  independence,  raising  the  disaffected  there, 
while  Murat  does  the  same  in  the  south."  ^ 

On  the  28th  the  Partridge  sailed  for  the  north.  On  the 
1st  March  in  the  early  morning,  a  vessel  being  seen,  the  British 
ship  was  at  once  turned  towards  her.  Similar  prompt 
action  during  the  voyage  from  Leghorn  on  the  27th,  when 
Campbell  had  every  reason  to  believe  that  the  Inconstant 
was  at  sea  with  Napoleon  on  board,  might  have  led  to  the 
discovery  of  that  vessel.  On  this  occasion  it  so  happened 
that  the  vessel  proving  to  be  the  Fleur-de-Lys,  the  encounter 
caused  a  delay  which  put  an  end  to  the  last  chance  of  over- 
taking Napoleon.  Captain  Garat  was  much  astonished  to 
hear  of  the  escape  of  Napoleon,  and  declared  that  the  Imperial 
flotilla  could  not  have  passed  him  without  being  observed. 
He  was  therefore  of  opinion  that  Napoleon  was  hiding  off 
Capraia,  or  Gorgona.  He  convinced  Campbell,  who  still 
could  not  think  of  France,  and  now  concluded  that  Napoleon 
would  attack  Leghorn  as  soon  as  he  judged  the  Partridge  to 
be  out  of  the  way.  The  French  captain  having  passed  some 
precious  hours  in  discussion  wdth  Campbell,  sailed  for  An- 
tibes  ;  if  he  did  not  find  Napoleon  he  would  at  least  be  able 
to  send  off  a  message  to  Paris.  When  he  reached  Antibes 
Napoleon  had  gone,  and  his  own  news  was  stale.  And 
Campbell  in  the  Partridge  was  wasting  two  days  in  searching 
around  Capraia. 

The  Inconstant  in  the  meantime  had  been  in  sight  of  a 
French  vessel  of  74,  which,  however,  paid  no  attention  to 
the  brig.  In  order  not  to  arrive  at  the  indicated  rendezvous 
off  Golfe  Jouan  before  the  slower  vessels  of  the  flotilla,  the 
Inconstant  was  making  a  course  towards  Genoa,  and  on  the 
morning  of  the  28th  land  was  seen,  off  Noli,  near  Savona. 
On  perceiving  the  coast,  with  the  Alps  in  the  background. 
Napoleon  conferred  the  order  of  the  Legion  of  Honour  upon 
Chautard  and  Taillade,  and  he  announced  that  he  would 
give  the  decoration  to  all  officers  and  men  who  had  followed 

1  Campbell,  pp.  376,  378. 

'"  -if  ^^^^"iiS>'iir?'iff-"iT»i;T 



him  to  Elba  and  had  seen  four  years  of  service  in  the  Guard  ; 
a  red  flag  was  cut  into  strips  and  the  pieces  given  on  the 
spot  to  these  favoured  men,  but  there  were  not  many  of 
them,  for  nearly  all  those  who  came  under  the  description 
had  already  been  decorated.  Napoleon  was  in  great  good 
humour.  "  It  is  an  Austerlitz  day,"  he  said.  Peyrusse  was 
lying  on  the  deck,  prostrate  from  sea-sickness.  Napoleon 
said  to  him  :  "  The  Seine  water  will  cure  you,  Mr.  Treasurer  ; 
we  shall  be  in  Paris  on  the  birthday  of  the  King  of  Rome." 
(The  20th  March  was  indeed  the  date.) 

To  Mallet  Napoleon  spoke  as  follows  :  "  No  historic 
example  induces  me  to  undertake  this  bold  enterprise,  but  I 
have  counted  on  the  astonishment  of  the  population,  the 
condition  of  public  feeling,  the  resentment  against  the  Allies, 
the  affection  of  my  soldiers,  in  fine  all  the  Napoleonic  ele- 
ments which  are  still  in  germ  in  our  beautiful  France.  I 
count  upon  the  stupefaction  which  such  a  great  novelty  will 
produce,  and  upon  the  irreflection  and  the  sudden  enthusiasm 
which  so  audacious  and  unexpected  an  enterprise  will  create. 
A  thousand  ideas  and  projects  are  formed  ;  resistance  is 
nowhere  decided.  I  shall  arrive  before  any  plan  has  been 
organised  against  me."  Then  pointing  to  Drouot,  who 
was  standing  apart  in  an  attitude  of  dejection,  he  continued  : 
"  I  know  that  if  I  had  listened  to  the  sage  I  should  not  have 
started,  but  there  were  even  greater  dangers  at  Portoferraio."^ 

The  instinct  for  situation  (like  a  jockey's  perception  of 
pace)  was  one  of  Napoleon's  most  valuable  gifts.  He  saw 
with  wonderful  prescience  the  kind  of  reception  he  would 
be  accorded — at  first.  He  would  be  at  the  Tuileries  on  the 
20th  March,  a  remarkable  prophecy.  But  Drouot,  the  sage, 
though  over-anxious  as  to  the  immediate  danger,  prov^ed 
right  in  the  end. 

In  spite  of  the  Emperor's  confidence  some  murmurs  of 
doubt  were  raised  ;  upon  hearing  them  he  said  :  "A  revolu- 
tion has  broken  out  at  Paris,  and  a  Provisional  Government 

1  Peyrusse,  pp.  277-8. 


has  been  established.  I  can  count  upon  the  whole  army. 
I  have  received  addresses  of  welcome  from  many  regiments." 
To  this  falsehood  he  added  :  "I  shall  arrive  in  Paris  without 
firing  a  shot,"  which  proved  to  be  the  case. 

Napoleon  then  ordered  the  proclamations  he  had  caused 
to  be  printed  at  Portoferraio  to  be  read  out  to  the  soldiers, 
and  as  one  of  them  purported  to  be  addressed  by  them  to 
their  Emperor,  the  leaders  and  best  writers  were  set  to  work 
to  copy  it  in  their  own  hands  and  to  add  their  signatures. 
In  the  course  of  the  day  the  other  vessels  succeeded  in 
joining  the  Inconstant,  and  at  dawn  of  the  1st  March,  1815, 
the  flotilla  was  off  the  cape  of  Antibes.  Napoleon  appeared 
on  the  bridge  wearing  the  tricolour,  and  the  soldiers  there- 
upon abandoned  the  Elban  for  the  French  national  colours, 
which  were  hoisted  on  the  ships.  At  1  p.m.  the  vessels  were 
at  anchor  in  the  Golfe  Jouan,  and  the  disembarkation  in 
boats  commenced. 

According  to  local  tradition  Napoleon  stepped  on  to  the 
soil  of  France  close  to  a  fine  olive  tree,  which  he  considered 
a  good  omen.  A  commemorative  column  was  erected  in  May, 
1815,  to  mark  the  spot,  and  it  still  exists. 

A  singular  good  fortune  had  favoured  Napoleon.  He  had 
been  within  sight  of  two  French  frigates  whose  duty  it  was 
to  report  his  doings  ;  he  saw,  and  must  have  been  seen  by, 
an  English  brig  which  was  charged  with  the  knowledge  of 
his  intended  departure,  and  which  should  not  have  allowed 
any  doubtful  sail  to  pass  without  examination  ;  and  he 
actually  spoke  a  French  brig  which  had  been  expressly  sent 
to  watch  and  follow  his  movements,  though  her  commander 
had  not  then  received  his  instructions. 

With  regard  to  the  failure  of  the  British  Government  to 
prevent  the  escape  of  Napoleon,  Lord  Castlereagh  said  in 
the  House  of  Commons  on  the  7th  April  that  the  Allies  had 
never  intended  to  blockade  the  island  of  Elba  ;  and  that  if 
they  had,  the  best  authorities  considered  that  it  would  have 
been  impossible  even  for  the  whole  British  Navy  to  draw  a 


line  round  the  island  that  Napoleon  would  have  had  no 
chance  of  eluding.  Before  Napoleon  had  embarked  on  his 
great  adventure  the  French  Minister  of  Police  had  already 
reported  to  Louis  XVIII  to  much  the  same  effect,  that  no 
cruising  could  prevent  a  landing  in  Tuscany  by  night.  In  a 
literal  sense  perhaps  this  was  true.  Alone,  or  with  only  a 
companion  or  two,  Napoleon  might  have  got  clear  in  spite 
of  the  closest  watch,  but,  practically  speaking,  it  would  not 
have  required  many  ships  to  prevent  his  making  the  attempt. 
The  risk  of  capture  would  have  been  too  great.  Elba  was, 
in  June  of  the  same  year,  most  effectually  blockaded  by  a 
small  English  squadron. 

Napoleon  might,  no  doubt,  have  escaped  in  a  balloon  ; 
he  might  have  floated  away  in  a  barrel  ;  and  he  might  have 
contrived  to  be  thrown  into  the  sea  in  a  sack,  pretending 
that  he  was  a  corpse.  The  famous  Monte  Cristo  story 
should  be  taken  as  a  Napoleonic  allegory,  evolved  in  the  mind 
of  Dumas  by  his  visit  to  Elba,  and  his  fervent  admiration 
for  the  great  Emperor.  "  I  am  a  dead  man,"  Napoleon  kept 
saying,  until  all  believed  it  ;  and  it  was  as  a  corpse  thrown 
into  the  sea,  and  emerging  alive,  that  he  succeeded  in  reaching 
the  land,  to  startle  the  world. 



Had  prudence  marked  his  reign — had  Justice  thrown 
Her  hallow'd  symbols  round  about  his  Throne, 
Had  he  on  Freedom's  side  as  bravely  stood, 
As  when  \\e  fought  for  Tyranny  in  blood — 
The  world  had  wept  at  such  a  monarch's  fall 
And  sorrow  mark'd  the  features  of  us  all. 
Poem  "The  Exile  of  F^lba." 

Dedicated  by  John  Gwilliam  to  Lord  Byrou. 

WITHIN  one  week  of  the  day  upon  which  the  Czar 
Alexander  propounded  to  the  negotiating  French 
Marshals  his  plan  for  the  creation  of  that  Elban 
empire  which  he  fondly  hoped  would  prevent 
Napoleon  from  having  any  further  active  concern  in  European 
affairs,  while,  in  a  measure,  preserving  his  own  amour  propre, 
the  largest  of  the  five  small  islands  lying  in  the  narrow  channel 
between  the  cliffs  of  Corsica  and  the  coast  of  Tuscany  sud- 
denly became  an  object  of  universal  and  predominant  interest 
throughout  Europe.  Elba  was  not  altogether  unknown  to 
British  statesmen,  for  just  twelve  years  previously  the 
evacuation  of  Portoferraio,  its  capital,  by  the  English  garrison 
stationed  there,  had  been  stipulated  for  in  Article  XI  of  the  de- 
lusive Treaty  of  Amiens.  Some  little  time  before  the  abdication 
of  Napoleon  Elba  had  been  visited  and  explored  by  that  cele- 
brated antiquarian  Sir  Richard  Colt  Hoare,  an  account  of 
whose  tour,  illustrated  by  eight  engravings  by  J.  Powell  after 
drawings  by  John  Smith,  from  sketches  made  on  the  spot  by 
the   traveller   himself,    was    conjointly    published   by   John 


From  a  contemporary  print 


JNIiirray,  W.  Clarke,  and  John  Smith  in  the  spring  of  1814. 
This  must  have  been  done  with  business-hke  expedition,  for 
in  a  brief  explanatory  preface  John  Smith  writes  :  "I  most 
gladly  accept  the  offer  so  kindly  made  me  by  Sir  Richard 
Colt  Hoare,  of  the  use  of  his  m.anuscript  journal  through  the 
Island  of  Elba,  and  of  his  portfolio  of  drawings  ;  and  I  hope 
that  the  work  which  I  now  submit  to  the  public,  will  meet 
with  their  approbation.  The  extended  and  varied  scenes 
of  Napoleon's  triumphs  are  in  general  well  known,  but  those 
of  his  destined  retirement  have  been  hitherto  unfrequented  and 
imperfectly  noticed.  To  illustrate  the  latter  by  views  and 
descriptions,  is  the  object  of  my  present  publication  ;  and  I 
flatter  myself  that  Sovereigns  as  well  as  individuals,  will  feel 
some  trifling  gratification  in  becoming  better  acquainted 
with  an  island  that  is  allotted  for  the  future  residence  of  the 
exiled  Emperor,  Napoleon  Bonaparte."  To  this  account  of 
Elba,  published  in  quarto  form,  the  publishers  added  a  fairly 
good  map. 

The  Hoare-Smith  book,  however,  was  not  the  only  con- 
tribution to  the  topography  of  Elba  which  appeared  in 
London  in  the  early  part  of  1814.  Napoleon  was  still  on  his 
road  to  the  coast  when  Mr.  John  Fairburn,  of  2  Broadway, 
Ludgate  Hill,  produced  a  large  broadsheet,  measuring 
2S|  inches  by  18|,  the  upper  portion  of  which  was  occupied 
by  two  maps  of  Elba  and  two  views  of  Portoferraio,  the  one 
from  the  sea  and  the  other  from  within  the  Bay,  which  was 
evidently  prepared  in  hot  haste  to  meet  the  popular  demand 
for  information,  as  it  is  entitled  : — 

"  The  Island  of  Elba  to  which  Napolean  [sic]  Buonaparte, 
the  late  Emperor  of  the  French  is  banished,  with  two  accurate 
views  of  Porto  Ferrajo  and  a  General  Map." 

A  fairly  full  historical  and  geographical  account  of  Elba 
concludes  with  a  paragraph  to  the  effect  that 

"  Buonaparte  left  Fontainebleau,  for  the  island  of  Elba, 
on  the  morning  of  April  21,  1814.     At  the  moment  of  his 


departure,  he  spoke  to  the  officers  and  subalterns  of  the 
old  guard,  who  were  near  him,  embraced  their  general, 
making  a  farewell  speech  to  them,  at  the  conclusion  of  which 
he  desired  the  eagle  might  be  brought  to  him  ;  he  embraced 
it  lightly,  saying,  '  Ah  !  dear  eagle,  may  the  kisses  that  I  give 
you  go  down  to  posterity,'  and  added,  '  Adieu,  my  children — 
adieu,  my  brave  fellows,'  then  stepped  into  his  carriage  and 
departed  under  the  escort  provided  to  conduct  him." 

The  various  aquatints  representing  the  entry  of  the  Allies 
into  Paris  on  31st  March,  1814,  can  scarcely  be  described  as 
connected  with  the  iconography  of  Elba,  and  the  same  thing 
may  be  said  of  the  numerous  engravings  of  various  descrip- 
tions and  origins  in  which  the  scenes  which  occurred  at 
Fontainebleau  three  weeks  later  are  portrayed.  Within 
the  next  few  months  the  English  market  was  well  supplied 
with  views  of  Napoleon's  "  Island  Empire."  The  large  and 
beautiful  aquatint  described  as  a  "  General  View  of  the  Isle 
of  Elba,  Porto  Ferrajo,  the  Town  and  Castle,  now  the  retreat 
of  N.  Bonaparte,"  was  engraved  by  M.  Dubourg  from  a 
drawing  made  by  A.  S.  Tereni,  and  it  was  published  on 
1st  June,  1814,  by  Edward  Orme,  of  Bond  Street.  Some  two 
months  earlier  a  second  and  somewhat  smaller  aquatint, 
by  F.  Jukes  from  a  drawing  by  Captain  James  Weir,  had  been 
published  by  the  engraver.  It  is  inscribed  :  "To  the  Right 
Honourable  Earl  Spencer,  this  view  of  the  west  side  of  Porto 
Ferrajo  Bay,  with  the  position  of  the  Captain,  74,  Flora, 
Inconstant  and  Southampton  Frigates  is  with  great  respect 
dedicated  by  his  Lordship's  obedient  servant,  James  Weir." 
There  is  a  third  aquatint  of  Portoferraio  with  a  map  and 
portrait  of  Napoleon  in  Bowyer's  "  Illustrated  Record,"  a 
handsome  folio  first  published  early  in  1815.  In  this  case 
the  name  neither  of  the  artist  nor  aquatinter  is  given.  It  is 
needless  to  say  that  several  views  of  supposed  occurrences 
in  Elba  between  May,  1814,  and  February,  1815,  are  purely 
imaginary,  and  cannot  be  taken  seriously. 


When  we  consider  that  the  stay  of  Napoleon  in  Elba  was 
limited,  roughly  speaking,  to  ten  months,  it  is  surprising  to  find 
how  many  portraits  of  him  are  ascribed  to  this  period.  One  of 
the  most  interesting  of  these  is  the  anonymous  French  engrav- 
ing in  the  fine  Napoleonic  collection  of  Mr.  Alfred  Brewis,  of 
Newcastle,  which  forms  the  frontispiece  of  this  volume. 
When  the  late  Sir  Henry  Drummond  Wolff  published  his 
book  "The  Island  Empire"  in  1855,  he  reproduced  in 
colour  a  half-length  portrait  of  Napoleon  from  a  picture 
taken  during  his  residence  at  Elba,  in  the  possession  of  Signor 
Foresi,  of  Portoferraio.  It  has  been  impossible  to  trace  the 
present  whereabouts  of  the  original  from  which  this  litho- 
graph was  executed  by  Messrs.  Hanhart.  M.  Godefroy 
Mayer,  a  recognised  expert  in  Napoleonic  iconography,  classes 
as  possible  portraits  of  the  Elba  period  two  full-length  figures, 
with  different  backgrounds,  turned  towards  the  left,  with 
the  head  to  the  right,  sketched  and  etched  by  J.  Duplessis 
Bertaux,  completed  au  lavis  by  Levachez,  and  published  by 
Bance,  214  Rue  Saints  Peres.  They  bear  inscriptions  in 
English,  French,  and  German  antagonistic  to  the  Emperor. 
These  portraits,  measuring  20  by  14i^e  inches,  were  probably  en- 
graved early  in  1814,  and  published  in  April  or  May  of  that  j'ear. 
There  is  a  small  portrait  of  Napoleon  in  colour,  "  from  a  sketch 
taken  by  an  officer  in  the  island  of  Elba,"  which  it  is  curious 
to  contrast  with  similar  productions  executed  by  Denzil 
Ibbetson,  Basil  Jackson,  and  Captains  A.  D.  Dodgin  and  David 
Erskine,  three  or  four  years  later  at  St.  Helena.  M.  Godefroy 
Mayer  indicates  two  other  Napoleonic  portraits  of  1815,  but 
they  were  published  later,  indeed  the  whole-length  in  colours 
on  horseback,  turned  to  the  left,  by  Levachez  after  C.  Vernet, 
and  sold  by  Palmer,  of  London,  is  entitled  Napoleon  en 
Retour  de  Vile  d'Elbe.  The  large  folio  portrait  in  uniform, 
engraved  and  published  in  London,  "  after  the  celebrated 
picture  by  Robert  Lefevre,  which  is  exhibited  in  Adam  Street, 
Adelphi,"  was  painted  during  the  Hundred  Days,  although 
the  engraving  was  only  completed  after  Waterloo.     It  gives, 


however,  an  excellent  idea  of  the  appearance  of  Napoleon  in 
1814-15.  The  lettering,  "  Robert  Lefevre  pinxit — Zecavel 
sculpsit,"  is  a  little  puzzling,  but  the  latter  name  is  intended 
to  veil  the  identity  of  Levachez. 

It  is  probable  that  the  large  lithograph  by  Pin9on  after  II. 
Vernet,  printed  in  Paris  by  Auguste  Bry,  149  Rue  du  Bac,  and 
published  by  Lemaitre,  known  as  Le  Grenadier  de  Vile  d'EIbe, 
and  bearing  the  words  :  "A  tous  les  cceurs  bien  nes,  que 
la  Patrie  est  chere,"  was  the  outcome  of  the  Napoleonic 
revival  of  the  Hundred  Days.  It  was  at  the  same  time 
that  Villain  produced  the  lithographic  portrait  after  Cardel 
of  General  Baron  Jesmanowski,  the  commander  of  the 
Polish  detachment  at  Elba.  The  Poles  who  were  so  merci- 
lessly ridiculed  in  May,  1814,  became  popular  heroes  in  the 
same  month  of  the  following  year. 

In  the  Warren  Crane  sale,  which  took  place  at  New  York 
in  November,  1913,  an  unsigned  4to  mezzotint  of  Napoleon 
was  attributed  to  the  Elba  period,  and  two  small  colour 
prints  of  little  importance  were  similarly  described.  Amongst 
the  Napoleonic  rariora  accumulated  by  Mr.  William  J.  Latta, 
of  Philadelphia,  dispersed  at  the  same  time  by  the  Metro- 
politan Art  Association  of  New  York,  was  a  gold  snuff-box 
embellished  with  a  portrait  of  the  Emperor  by  Isabey,  said 
to  have  been  painted  by  Isabey  at  Elba,  and  signed  "J.  I., 
1815."  There  was  also  sold  a  small  full-length  sketch  of 
Napoleon  in  water-colours  signed  *'  Coquetti,  Porto-Ferrajo, 
Septre.,  1814." 

It  is  not  surprising  that  the  serious  portraiture  of  Elba 
is  less  abundant  and  much  inferior  in  interest  to  the 
pictorial  satire  which  flowed  so  freely  in  every  country 
of  Europe  between  the  great  crisis  of  March-April, 
1814,  and  the  brief  triumph  of  February— June,  1815. 
The  fateful  year  1814  opened  with  the  most  famous  as  well 
as  the  most  popular  of  the  three  or  four  thousand  caricatures 
directed  against  Napoleon,  J.  M.  Voltz's  gruesome  corpse- 
head,  which  he  facetiously  called    "  The  Triumph   of   the 

-    < 

X  -^  .' 
^  <  " 
^    r,     f^ 


Year  1813,  a  New  Year's  Present  to  the  German  Nation." 
Copies  of  this  clever  but  forbidding  adaptation  of  H.  A. 
Dahhng's  famihar  "  parade  portrait  "  of  1806,  made  their 
appearance  in  ahnost  every  country  of  Europe  during  the  last 
days  of  1813  or  the  first  months  of  the  f  ollowmg  year,  which 
was  so  soon  to  witness  the  entry  of  the  Allied  Sovereigns  into 
the  French  capital.  The  genesis  of  this  remarkable  print  has 
been  thus  explained^ : — 

"  Voltz's  effort  may  be  regarded  as  the  artistic  first-fruits 
of  the  crushing  defeat  of  Napoleon  at  Leipzig  on  October  19, 
1813.  Up  to  this  time  the  Berlin  patriots  had  been  compelled 
from  prudential  motives  to  import  their  stock  of  satirical 
prints  from  London,  but  it  was  now  the  turn  of  Germany 
to  pay  the  debt  she  owed  to  Gillray,  Rowlandson,  and 
Cruikshank.  It  was  not,  however,  till  long  years  after  that 
the  authorship  of  the  grim  print  entitled  '  True  Picture  of 
the  Conqueror.  Triumph  of  the  Year  1813.  To  the  Germans 
for  the  New  Year,  was  known.'  In  the  early  spring  of  1814 
it  was  freely  reproduced  in  England,  as  well  as  in  Russia, 
Italy,  Holland,  Spain — and  even  in  Paris.  Voltz's  '  New 
Year's  Gift  '  to  his  compatriots  was  not  only  calculated  to 
assist  the  serious  efforts  of  men  like  Fichte  and  Von  Ense, 
but  to  stimulate  the  general  uprising  of  the  European 
nations  against  the  Tyrant." 

In  March,  1814,  Napoleon  Bonaparte  was  certainly  the 
most  detested  man  in  the  whole  world.  The  Berlin  and  Milan 
Decrees,  with  which  he  had  vainly  hoped  to  crush  England, 
the  "  Spanish  ulcer,"  the  horrors  of  the  Russian  tragedy  of 
1812,  the  constant  conscriptions  which  had  drained  France 
of  her  best  blood,  and  the  general  uprising  of  Europe 
which  culminated  in  the  surrender  of  Paris,  all  combined 
to    bring    about    that  state  of  popular  indignation  which 

1  "Napoleon  in  Caricature,"  1705-1821,  by  A.  M.  Broadley,  2  vols. 
John  Laue,  Bodley  Head,  London,  and  John  Lane  Company,  Nsw  York, 


can  alone  account  for  the  deluge  of  cosmopolitan  invective 
and  pictorial  satire  of  which  Napoleon  at  Fontainebleau 
could  not  have  been  altogether  ignorant,  and  which  must 
have  deeply  affected  the  man  who  had  realised,  ever  since 
the  days  of  Brumaire,  the  power  of  the  broadsheet  and  the 
possibilities  of  happily  conceived  caricature.  It  was  too  late 
now  to  invoke  the  complacent  aid  of  the  clever  draughtsmen 
who  had  ridiculed  Pitt  in  his  last  agony,  George  III  in  his 
mental  affliction,  and  a  corpulent  and  bibulous  John  Bull 
bribing  the  monarchs  of  Europe  with  sacks  of  glittering 
guineas.  Like  other  worshippers  of  the  rising  sun  they  had 
all  gone  over  to  the  other  side,  and  before  the  political 
destinies  of  France  were  actually  decided  on,  had  depicted 
the  Fatherland  (so  long  and  so  cruelly  harassed  by  their 
former  paymaster.  Napoleon)  as  a  fair  woman,  clad  in  a 
flowing  blue  robe,  abundantly  sprinkled  with  fleurs-de-lys, 
who,  lily  in  hand,  paid  homage  to  the  bust  of  the  obese 
Louis-the-Much-Desired,  while  she  trampled  under  foot 
a  medallion  of  the  hated  Corsican,  lying  on  the  broken 
Imperial  sceptre,  and  the  abandoned  Imperial  mantle.  In 
the  background  the  Imperial  bees  are  seen  escaping  from  an 
overturned  hive,  while  below  are  inscribed  the  lines  : — 

L'Abeille  etait  frelon  mechant, 
Qui  fleurs  de  lys  allait  rongeant, 
Mais  en  nous  donnant  un  Louis 
La  France  fera  des  merveilles 
Car  c'est  en  reprenant  les  lys 
Qu'elle  en  chassera  les  abeilles. 

The  darkness  of  insanity  had  fallen  on  James  Gillray,  who 
had  shown  no  mercy  to  "  Little  Boney  "  ever  since  the  far- 
off  days  of  1797.  Isaac  Cruikshank  and  G.  M.  Woodward  were 
both  dead,  but "  Glorious  George,"  as  the  younger  son  of  Isaac 
Cruikshank  had  come  to  be  called,  was  now  at  the  zenith 
of  his  fame,  and  the  hand  of  Thomas  Rowlandson  had  lost 
none  of  its  cunning.  They  had  now  powerful  allies  and  fellow- 


workers  throughout  Germany,  and  the  Paris  artists  were  as 
ready  to  serve  the  Bourbons  as  they  had  been  to  help 
Bonaparte,  who,  between  March  and  May,  1814,  at  any  rate, 
had  no  friends.  The  fallen  Emperor  was  still  on  his  road  to 
the  coast  when  all  Berlin  was  roaring  with  laughter  over  a 
caricature  entitled  "  The  Step-ladder  of  Napoleon's  Rise  and 
Fall,"  only  a  whit  less  successful  than  Johann  Michael 
Voltz's  "  Corpse-head."  Each  step  has  a  typical  figure  of 
Napoleon  at  the  various  stages  of  his  career,  while  below  the 
central  arch  he  is  seen  seated  on  an  island  surrounded  by  sea. 
Through  a  microscope  he  surveys  a  minute  fragment  of  a 
map,  handed  to  him  by  Time  and  marked  "  Elba."  In 
despair  he  exclaims  :   "  Alas,  how  small  is  my  Empire."^ 

In  April,  1814,  the  English  pamphleteers  and  caricaturists 
discovered  that  the  word  Elba,  transformed  into  Hell-bay, 
Hell-bar,  and  so  forth,  lent  itself  to  the  coarse  invective  then 
in  vogue,  while  the  scanty  dimensions  of  the  Czar-created 
Empire  could  be  ridiculed  by  such  a  deplorable  pun  as 
speaking  of  a  want  of  "  Elba  (elbow)  room."  The  chief 
ingredients  in  most  of  these  Elba  caricatures  consist  of  the 
Devil,  a  cage,  and  a  gibbet.  Napoleon  was  still  at  Fontaine - 
bleau  when  the  windows  of  the  print-shops  in  St.  James's 
Street,  Piccadilly,  the  Strand,  and  Cheapside,  were  filled  with 
such  coarse  wares  as  "  A  Grand  Manoeuvre,  or  the  Rogue's 
March  to  the  Island  of  Elba  "  (April  13,  1814),  "  Bloody 
Boney  the  Carcass  Butcher  left  off  trade  and  retiring  to 
Scarecrow  Island"  (April  12),  "The  Rogue's  March,"  with 
the  verse  : — 

From  fickle  fortune's  gamesome  lap 

What  various  titles  flow  : 

The  Emperor  of  Conjurors — Nap, 

The  King  of  Beggars — Joe  (April  13)  — 

^  A  full  account  of  the  English  Napoleonic  Caricatures  relatinij  to  the 
period  April  1814- February  IfJlo  will  be  found  in  "Napoleon  in  Caricature" 
(John  Lane,  1911),  Vol.  'l,  chapter  xvi.  pp.  353-7.  A  tabulated  list  of 
items  is  piveu  in  \"ol.  II,  Appendi.x  A.  For  the  French  and  German  satirical 
prints  on  the  same  subject  see  respectively  Vol.  II,  pp.  52  to  56,  and  Vol.  II, 
pp.  122  to  131. 


"  The  Affectionate  Farewell,  or  Kick  for  Kick,  or  the  Boney 
Family  exalted  on  gibbets  in  the  Isle  of  Elba  "  (April  17),  and 
"  A  Delicate  Finish  for  a  Corsican  Usurper  "  (April  20).  The 
author  of  this  print  is  overflowing  with  joy  at  the  downfall 
of  Napoleon,  and  places  beneath  his  highly  suggestive  sketch 
the  lines  : — ■ 

Boney  canker  of  our  Joys,  now  thy  tyrant  reign  is  o'er^ 
Fill  the  merry  Bowl,  my  Boys,  join  in  Bacchanalian  roar. 
Seize  the  Villain,  plunge  him  in ;  see  the  hated  miscreant  dies. 
Mirth  and  all  thy  train  come  in  ;  Banish  sorrow,  tears  and  sighs. 

On  the  eve  of  Napoleon's  painful  journey  south  there 
appeared  both  in  England  and  Germany  a  fairly  good  view 
of  Portoferraio,  below  which  is  a  medallion-portrait  of 
Bonaparte  suspended  by  fetters.  The  play  on  the  word 
"  Ferraio  "  is  obvious. 

The  different  incidents  of  Napoleon's  tedious  and  even 
perilous  progress  towards  the  coast  are  mercilessly  ridiculed, 
but  the  German  Napoleon^s  Reiseabcntheuer  may  be  taken 
almost  as  a  serious  picture,  and  lacks  the  merciless  cruelty 
shown  in  the  French  print  Saute  pour  le  Roi,  in  which  a 
peasant  is  seen  whipping  the  Emperor  (dressed  up  as  a  goat) 
from  Fontainebleau  to  Elba.  Louis  XVIII  reached  Paris  on 
May  3rd,  the  day  before  Napoleon  disembarked  at  Porto- 
ferraio, but  the  print-sellers  apparently  did  not  wait  for  the 
latter  event  to  publish  the  caricature  UArrivee  de  Napoleon 
dans  Vile  d'Elhe,  with  an  inscription  in  French,  German, 
and  Italian. 

It  is  clear  that  both  the  English  and  Continental  purveyors 
of  pictorial  satire  considered  that  Napoleon  in  Elba  was 
effectually  caged.  George  Cruikshank  had  already  portrayed 
him  thus  while  travelling  from  Fontainebleau — the  cage 
being  drawn  by  a  ferocious  Cossack.  On  the  very  day  he 
started  for  Elba  (21st  April),  "  Mistress  "  Humphrey  in 
St.  James's  Street  had  scored  a  signal  success  with  that 
great  artist's  "  Broken  Gingerbread,"  in  which  (anticipating 

y  1 


fs/:.!  y  /)  r)  y   /:/,/■<.  / 



■  dbr'  0 

//;v/./'y^Z    //rj'.'- 



OF     1814    ON    napoleon's    EXILE    TO    ELBA 


coming  events  by  fully  a  fortnight)  Bonaparte  is  represented 
as  standing  before  the  hut  of  "  Tiddy-Doll,"  the  renowned 
London  cake-seller,  holding  a  tray  covered  with  gingerbread 
figures  on  his  head,  and  crying  :  "  Buy  my  images  !  Here's 
my  nice  little  gingerbread  Emperors  and  Kings.  Retail  and 
for  Exportation."  The  cage  and  Cossack  caricature  of 
23rd  April  is  inscribed  :  "  The  Hell-  (El)  baronian  Emperor 
going  to  take  possession  of  his  new  Territory."  One  of  the 
most  popular  of  all  these  "  Cage  "  pictures  was  a  broadside 
parodying  an  advertisement  of  the  proprietor  of  the  then 
popular  menagerie  at  Exeter  Change  in  the  Strand.  At  the 
top  is  an  engraving  of  Bonaparte  as  a  monkey  chained  by  his 
keeper  to  a  post,  with  a  den  or  cage  in  the  background.  It 
was  designed  by  one  Lee.    The  printed  text  is  as  follows  : — 

"  Cruce  Dignus 

The  Grand  Menagerie 

with  an  exact  representation  of 


The  Little  Corsican  Monkey, 
as  he  may  probably  appear  at  the  Island  of  Elba. 

Ladies  and  Gemmen  ! 

This  surprising  Animal  was  taken  by  John  Bull  and 
his  Allies.  He  possesses  the  cunning  of  the  Fox,  the 
Rapacity  of  the  Wolf,  the  blood  thirsty  Nater  of  the  Hyena, 
the  tender  Feelings  of  the  Crocodile,  and  the  Obstinacy  of  the 
Ass.  He  has  rambled  over  several  parts  of  the  world,  where 
he  played  a  number  of  wicked  and  ridiculous  Tricks, 
particularly  in  Egypt,  Russia,  etc.,  there  he  had  like  to  have 
been  nabbed,  but  contrived  to  steal  away  to  France,  where, 
after  a  Time,  exerting  all  the  bad  Qualities  he  possesses, 
he  so  far  got  the  better  of  his  own  species  as  to  reign  King 
Paramount  over  Thirty  Millions  of  deceived  Subjects. 
'  Come,  come,  Nappo,  don't  look  so  Melancholy,  you  shall 


have  your  Gruel  with  a  Crust  in  it  presently.'  Ladies  and 
Gemmen,  if  I  was  to  quit  him,  in  an  instant  he  would  play  a 
thousand  figaries  ;  break  all  your  Crockery,  drink  up  your 
Wine,  play  the  Devil  and  Doctor  Faustus  with  your  Wives 
and  Darters  ;  eat  your  Provisions,  steal  your  Goods  and 
Chatties,  and  commit  every  kind  of  Mischief  !  He's  of 
unbounded  Ambition,  and  by  some  fortunate  Stroke  of  good 
Luck,  more  than  by  his  Abilities,  proved  very  successful 
in  his  Deceptions  ;  but  this  Luck  was  not  to  last  for  ever. 
Puft  up  as  full  as  a  blown  bladder  with  conceit,  he  thought 
he  coud  conquer  the  four  Quarters  of  the  Globe.  So  one  dark 
Night  he  stole  out  of  Paris  to  make  an  attack  on  Germany, 
etc.,  where  he  assured  his  Companions  they  would  get 
immense  Wealth  by  their  Plunders.  But  BULL  &  Co. 
coming  up  with  him  by  break  of  day,  compelled  him  to 
surrender,  and  transported  him  to  Hell  Bay  {Elba)." 

This  was  published  by  James  Asperne,  at  the  Bible,  Crown 
and  Constitution,  Cornhill,  who  displayed  the  same  activity 
in  the  anti-Napoleonic  crusade  of  1814  as  he  had  done  in 
that  of  1803  and  1804.  He  also  advertised  for  sale,  both 
wholesale  and  retail,  "  Cruce  Dignus  ;  an  Epitaph  underneath 
a  Gibbet  over  a  Dunghill  at  Elba,"  and  "  Bona  Rapta  pone 
leno  ;  or  a  Dialogue  between  Napoleon  Buonaparte  and  the 
Legislative  Body  of  France,"  the  Latin  words,  signifying 
"  Lay  down  the  goods  you  have  stolen,"  being  an  anagram 
upon  Napoleon's  name. 

The  ballad-maker  and  the  ballad-monger  were  not  idle  in 
the  spring  of  1814.  An  immense  vogue  was  enjoyed  by  a  song 
to  the  tune  of  "  Derry  Down,"  given  nightly  by  Mr.  Huckell 
at  the  Surrey  Theatre  with  "  tremendous  applause."  In  its 
published  form  it  was  surmounted  by  a  rough  print  in  which 
Bonaparte  is  represented  in  the  act  of  surrendering  his  sword 
to  Britannia  and  her  allies,  while  a  Cossack  stands  over  him 
in  a  menacing  attitude.  In  the  background  is  the  island  of 


Sung  by  Mr.  Huckell  at  the  Surrey  Theatre,  181 4- 

Great  news,  brother  Britons,  our  joy  freely  share  ; 
Hark !  big  with  glad  tidings  the  guns  rend  the  air. 
The  hope  so  long  cherish' d  with  glory  to  crown, 
All  Europe  is  up,  but  the  Tyrant  is  down. 

A  rod  to  all  nations  has  been  this  proud  elf, 
Who  we  know  has  at  last  made  a  rod  for  himself. 
The  dove  flies  aloft,  with  the  olive  of  peace. 
And  Boney's  proud  eagles  are  all  turn'd  to  geese. 

Bonaparte  a  Caesar  was  call'd  it  is  known. 
And  he  seized  upon  all  he  came  near  as  his  own ; 
But  though  this  mock  Caesar  has  met  with  his  fate, 
W'e  still  have  a  true  Alexander  the  Great. 

Said  John  Bull  when  quite  sick  of  invasion  Nap  grew. 
If  you  won't  come  to  me,  I  must  e'en  go  to  you, 
And  to  France  Johnny  went  but  a  short  time  ago. 
To  toast  Europe's  cause  in  good  wine  of  Bordeaux. 

From  proud  exultation  tho'  who  can  refrain, 
Bonaparte  I'm  sure  has  no  right  to  complain  ; 
Transported  with  joy  tho'  all  Europe  we  view. 
Poor  Boney  you  know  will  be  transported  too. 

Then  hail  to  the  monarchs  enrolled  with  the  brave. 

Whose  conquering  ai-ms  only  conquer'd  to  save ; 

Hail  Freedom  that  gave  unto  Louis  the  crown. 

Raised  the  White  Standard  up,  and  the  tyrant's  pull'd  down. 

George  Cruikshank  lent  his  valuable  aid  to  the  embellish- 
ment of  a  piece  of  music  entitled  "  Little  Nap  Horner,  or 
Bonaparte  meeting  his  Old  Friend  at  the  Island  of  Elba," 
the  words  by  J.  M.  E.,  the  music  composed  by  Mr.  Hook. 


This  melody  "  caught  on  "  in  the  British  drawing-rooms  of 
the  Regency,  although  the  words  were  sad  doggerel  : — 

Little  Nap  Horner 

Up  in  a  Corner 

Dreading  his  doleful  doom  ; 

He  who  gave  t'other  day 

Whole  kingdoms  away 

Now  is  glad  to  find  Elba  room. 

Old  Nicky  Horner 

Flew  to  the  Corner, 

Finding  his  friend  was  ill ; 

He  had  lent  him  a  hand 

On  Imperial  land 

And  he  sticks  to  his  Elba  still. 

Quoth  Nick  to  Nap  Horner, 
'*  We,  up  in  this  Corner, 
Must  follow  the  hai'd-jvare  line, 
In  Iron  and  Stealing 
We  both  have  been  dealing 
And  all  at  Our  Elba's  Mine." 

"  Alas  (says  Nap  Horner) 

Clubbed  to  this  Corner 

A  Knave  of  Spades  I  came. 

My  Diarnonds  were  gone, 

And  of  Hearts  I  had  none, 

So  they  Elba'd  me  out  of  the  Game." 

"  Never  mind  (says  old  Horner) 
Dig  Deep  in  the  Corner, 
And  this  for  your  comfort  know, 
When  your  labour  is  past, 
And  you've  dug  to  the  last 
You'll  find  Elba  down  below." 

For  the  benefit  of  the  unmitiated  an  explanatory  note  was 
added  to  the  effect  "  the  island  of  Elba  to  which  the  Corsican 
has  been  banished  (heretofore  the  Botany  Bay  of  Tuscany) 




































abounds  in  Iron  Mines,  and  its  trade  chiefly  consists  in  the 
articles  of  Iron  and  Steel  Dust." 

We  have  another  curious  broadside  of  ten  verses,  entitled 
"  A  Poetical  Address  to  the  Usurper  Buonaparte,"  said  to 
have  been  written  "  by  a  British  Veteran,  late  Serjeant  and 
Clerk  to  the  56th  Regiment  of  Foot.  One  of  the  few  surviving 
monuments  of  the  memorable  Siege  of  Gibraltar,  now  in  the 
sixty-fourth  year  of  his  age."     It  opens  thus  : — 

Thou  curse  of  Europe  !  Buonaparte 
Who,  by  thy  cunning,  fraud  and  art. 

The  nations  didst  beguile  ; 
With  blood-stained  crimes  upon  thy  head, 
A  Captive  Coward  thou  art  led 

To  dwell  in  Elba's  Isle. 

And  concludes  : — 

May  God  our  great  Allies  preserve. 
They  Europe's  grateful  thanks  deserve. 

That  changed  the  tear  to  smile  ; 
Let  ev'ry  loyal  honest  heart 
Expand  with  joy,  now  Buonaparte 

Laments  in  Elba's  Isle. 

At  the  foot  of  the  sheet  is  appended  the  following  note : — 
"  The  above  little  poem  has  been  presented  to  several 
branches  of  the  Royal  Family;  to  their  august  Majesties 
the  Emperor  of  Russia  and  King  of  Prussia;  to  Marshals 
Bliicher  and  Platoff  ;  Members  of  Parliament ;  Admirals  and 
general  officers ;  the  Right  Honourable  the  Lord  Mayor,  and 
other  distinguished  characters  of  high  Respectability,  by  the 
Author,  William  Dickenson,  Xo.  8  Duke  Street,  Lincoln's-in- 

On  June  18th,  1814  (one  year  to  a  day  before  Waterloo), 
London  celebrated  the  fleeting  Peace  which  Elba  had  procured 
for  Europe.  On  that  occasion  a  topical  caricature  was  pro- 
vided to  which  the  title  of  "  Boney  Dish'd.  A  Side  Dish 
for  the  City  of  London,"  was  given. 


The  French  caricatures  of  April-July,  1814,  were,  as  a  rule, 
not  less  severe  than  those  which  appeared  in  London  and 
Berlin.  In  some  of  these  the  idol  of  1800-1812  is  represented 
in  a  bath  of  blood,  as  a  waxwork  manikin,  a  whipped  top, 
a  caged  ape,  a  shuttlecock,  a  diavolo  spool,  a  jay  despoiled 
of  its  plumes,  as  Nicholas  Philocte,  or  as  Robinson  Crusoe. 
One  artist,  however,  in  a  caricature  lettered  Le  Baiser  de 
Judas,  satirized  the  conduct  of  Augereau  (Ogro  Marshal) 
who  showed  marked  discourtesy  to  his  fallen  chief  at  Valence, 
while  on  his  way  to  St.  Raphael.  From  July  onwards  signs 
of  a  marked  change  of  public  opinion  in  France  are  evident, 
Louis  XVIII  and  the  Congress  of  Vienna  both  proved  a 
disappointment,  and  the  "  violet  "  began  to  resume  its  old 
place  in  the  affections  of  Frenchmen.^  This  is  specially 
apparent  in  prints  like  La  Bascule  (the  slim  Napoleon  weigh- 
ing down  the  obese  Louis),  Le  Revenant,  Le  Pate  Indigeste, 
Le  Destin  de  la  France,  and  a  whole  series  of  pictures  recall- 
ing the  glories  of  Marengo,  Austerlitz,  and  Jena.  The 
"  snuffing-out  "  of  Napoleon,  foreshadowed  in  so  many 
caricatures,  seemed  likely  to  prove  illusory. 

Then  came  the  great  surprise  of  February  26th,  1815.  Such 
engravings  as  Ackermann's  profile  medallion  of  Napoleon, 
with  the  legend,  "  Tyrant  of  France.  Desolator  of  Europe. 
Born  Aug.  15,  1769.  Self-created  Emperor  May  18,  1803. 
Dethroned  April  2,  1814.  Transported  to  Elba  under  an 
Escort  of  Cossacks,  April  12,  1814,"  became  in  a  moment  out- 
of-date.  "  Le  Revenant  "  had  really  returned,  and  George 
Cruikshank,  equal  to  any  occasion,  drew  a  picture  of  a  winged 
devil  carrying  Napoleon  and  his  followers  on  his  back  from 
Elba  to  the  Golfe  Jouan,  to  which  was  given  the  title  of 
"  The  Corsican's  Last  Trip  under  the  Guidance  of  his  Good 
Angel."  The  accompanying  text  is  not  less  rancorous  than 
that  of  the  pictorial  saLires  of  ten  months  before  : — 

"  BUONAPARTE,  the  extraordinary  BUONAPARTE— burst 

the  bonds  of  his  seclusion  at  Elba,  and  at  the  head  of  a  hostile 

^  See  "Napoleon  in  Caricature/'  Vol.  II,  pp.  88-95. 


force  landed,  on  the  3rd  March,  1815,  in  the  Department  of  Var 
in  France,  after  a  retirement  of  ten  months." 

"  It  appears  that  the  hypocritical  villain,  who  at  the  time  of  his 
cowardly  abdication,  affected  an  aversion  to  the  shedding  of 
human  blood  in  a  civil  warfare,  has  been  employed  during  the 
whole  time  of  his  residence  at  Elba,  in  carrying  on  secret  and 
treasonable  intrigues  with  the  tools  of  his  former  crimes  in  France, 
At  length,  when  his  plots  were  rife,  he  sailed  from  Elba,  with  all 
his  Guards  between  12  and  1300  in  number,  on  the  night  of  the 
27th  February,  1815. 

"A  year  has  not  yet  elapsed,  and  this  man  who  pretended  the 
wish  to  spare  France  the  horrors  of  Civil  War,  now  goes  to  relume 
the  torch  of  war  !  and  that  which  he  dared  not  do  with  40,000 
Frenchmen,  he  now  attempts  with  a  thousand  banditti,  chiefly 
Poles,  Neapolitans  and  Piedmontese  !  May  Providence,  wearied 
out  with  his  crimes,  deceive  this  time  the  base  calculation  of  his 
cowardice,  and  abandon  him  to  the  vengeance  of  the  laws  which 
he  has  so  often  violated  and  trampled  under  foot. 

"  What  Judge  Jenkins  said  of  the  celebrated  John  Lilbourne, 
may  be  fairly  applied  to  Buonaparte  with  a  little  alteration  of  the 
words  :  '  That  if  the  world  were  emptied  of  all  but  Napoleon 
Buonaparte,  Buonaparte  with  Napoleon,  and  Napoleon  with 
Buonaparte,  he  would  not  care  one  jot.'  " 

There  was  no  real  sympathy  for  either  Talleyrand  or  the 
Congress  of  Vienna  in  Paris,  and  not  much  in  Europe.  The 
"  Twelfth  Cake "  caricatures  concerning  its  interminable 
discussions  are  well  known.  There  is  real  humour  in  Lewis 
Mark's  "  The  European  Pantomime,"  in  which  the 
"  princeaple  [sic]  characters  "  are  given  as  Harlequin, 
Mr.  Boney  ;  Pantaloon,  Louis  XVIII ;  and  Columbine, 
Marie  Louise;  with  "Clowns,  etc.,  by  Congress."  On  6th 
April,  1815,  Napoleon  Avas  once  more  at  the  Tuileries.  On  that 
very  day  he  visited  the  studio  of  David,  in  the  Place  de  la 
Sorbonne,  to  see  his  latest  pictures.  On  6th  April  appeared 
the  last  of  the  satirical  prints  it  is  necessary  to  mention 
as  an  Elba  sidelight.  It  is  by  George  Cruikshank,  and  is 
entitled  "  The  Congress  dissolved  before  the  Cake  was  cut 
up."    Bonaparte  bursts  into  the  room  through  the  open  door, 


and,  brandishing  his  sword,  exclaims  ;  "Avast,  ye  Bunglers, 
the  Cake  ye  have  taken  six  months  disputing  about  the 
cutting  up,  I  will  do  in  as  many  hours." 

The  Elba  flag  is  now  in  London.  Its  colours  have  faded 
almost  beyond  recognition,  but  it  was  not  till  August,  1823, 
when  Napoleon  had  been  dead  more  than  two  years,  that  an 
interesting  illustration  of  it  was  published  by  its  then  owner, 
Mr.  H.  Cureton,  of  81  Aldersgate  Street.  George  Cruik- 
shank  had  some  years  before  made  it  the  subject  of  a  quaint 
caricature,  in  which  he  contrived  to  link  together  the  names 
of  Bonaparte,  Burdett,  and  Baring. 

At  no  period  of  Napoleon's  meteoric  career  were  the  artistic 
and  literary  sidelights  more  interesting  and  more  instructive 
than  during  the  ten  months  in  which,  at  the  suggestion  of 
the  Czar  and  by  the  will  of  Europe,  he  filled  the  anomalous 
position  of  Emperor  and  King  of  Elba. 


Bacheville,  B.  Voyages  des  freres,  capitaines  de  I'cx-garde. 

Bargixet,  a.    Le  grenadier  de  I'tle  d'Elbe.    Brussels,  1830. 

Barker.  Description  of  Elba,  with  a  panorama  of  Portoferraio. 

BiAXCHi,  N.  Storia  documcntata  dclla  diplomazia  curopea  in 
Italia,  1814-1861.    Torino,  1865. 

Bruxschvicg,  L.  Cambronne,  sa  vie  civile,  i:)olitique  et  militaire. 
Nantes,  1894. 

Campbell,  the  late  Major-Gexeral  Sir  Neil.  Napoleon  at 
Fontainebleau  and  Elba,  being  a  journal  of  occurrences  in 
1814-15,  with  notes  of  conversations.     1869. 

Chautard,  J.    L'ile  d'Elbe  et  les  Cent  Jours.    1851. 

CoxsTAXT,  L.    Memoires.    1830. 

Copia  Lettere  della  Reale  Segreteria  del  Governo  di  Livorno, 
Manuscript  in  the  Archives  of  Leghorn.    1814-15. 

Correspoxdaxce  de  Napoleox  I*"'" :  publiee  par  ordre  de 
I'Empereur  Napoleon  III.    Vols.  XXVII,  XXXI.    1869. 

Doris,  Charles.  Secret  Memoirs  of  Napoleon  Buonaparte.  With 
an  account  of  the  Regency  at  Blois  ;  and  an  itinerary  of 
Buonaparte,  from  Fontainebleau  to  Elba,  by  Fabry.     1815. 

DuRAXD,  Madame,  Veuve  du  Gexeral.    Memoires.     1828. 

Memoires  sur  Napoleon  et  Marie  Louise,  1810-1814.    1880. 

Ebrixgtox,  Viscouxt.  Memorandum  of  two  conversations  with 
the  Emperor  Napoleon,  on  the  6th  and  Sth  of  December,  1814. 

Fabre,  J.    De  Fontainebleau  a  l'ile  d'Elbe.     1887. 
Y  337 


Fabry.  J.  B.  G.  Itineraire  de  Buonaparte,  depuis  son  depart  de 
Doulevent  le  2S  Mars,  jusqu'a  son  embarquement  a  Frejus, 
le  29  AvTil.    Paris,  1S14. 

FiEFFE.    Napoleon  et  la  Garde.    1S59. 

FiRMix-DiDOT,  G.  Royaute  ou  Empire.  La  France  en  1S14, 
dapres  les  rapports  inedits  du  Comte  Angles.    1897. 

Pages  d'histoire. 

Flecry  de  Chaboulox.  Memoires  pour  servir  a  Thistoire  de  la 
vie  privee,  du  retour  et  du  regne  de  Napoleon  en  1S15. 
London.  1S19.    Brussels.  1820. 

FouRNTZR,  A.    Deutsche  Rundschau,  September,  1902. 

Gkuyer,  Pali..    Napoleon,  roi  de  I'fle  d'Elbe.    1906. 

Helfert,  J.  A.  VON".  Napoleon  L  Fahrt  von  Fontainebleau 
nach  Elba.  April-Mai,  1814.  Mit  Benutzung  der  amthchen 
Reiseberichte  des  KaiserUch  Oesterrichischen  Commissars 
General  Roller,    Wien,  1S74. 

Maria  Louise,  Erzherzoginn  von  Oesterreich,  Kaiserin  der 

Franzosen.    Wien,  1873. 

HoussAVZ.  He2shy.    "  1814." 

■  1S15.  la  premiere  restauiation." 

Island  Ehpip.e,  The,  or  the  scenes  of  the  first  exile  of  the  Emperor 
Napoleon  I.  By  the  author  of  '"  BlondeUe  '*  (Henry  Drmn- 
mond  WoLff).    1S55. 

luxG,  Colonel  H.  F.  T.     Lucien  Bonaparte  et  ses  memoires. 

Vol.  in. 

Laborde.     Napoleon  et  sa  Garde,  ou  relation  du  voyage  de 

Fontainebleau  a  Tile  d'Elbe.    1840. 
Lambardi,  S.    Memorie  snl  Mont  Argentario.    Firenze,  1866. 
Larret.    >Iadame  Mere.    1892. 
I4A  Vesite  sur  les  Cent  Jours,  principxalement  par  rapp>ort  a  la 

renaissance  projetee  de  TEmpire  romain  ;  par  im  citoyen  de 

Corse  (Lucien  Bonaparte).    Brussels,  1825. 

Lit:.  Giovaxnt.  Napoleone  all'  isola  d'  Elba,  secondo  le  carte  di 
un  archivio  segreto,  ed  altre,  edite  ed  inedite.    Milano,  1888. 

iLvNuscRiT  de  I'ile  dElbe.    Dusseldorf,  1819. 
Massox,  Frederic.    L'affaire  Maubreuil.    1907. 

Marie  Walewska,  maitresse  de  Napoleon  I^a-     1897. 


Masson,  Frederic.     Napoleon  et  sa  famille.    Vol.  X.    1913. 
MoNiER,  A.  D.  B.    Une  annee  de  la  vie  de  I'Empereur  Napoleon. 

NiNCi,  Giuseppe.     Storia   dell   isola    dell'    Elba.     Portofcrraio, 

Nouvelle  Revue  Retrospective.    Documents  sur  le  sejour  de 

Napoleon  I^«  a  File  d'Elbc.    1894. 
Nuovi  documexti  su  Napoleone  all'  Elba  :    da  Dr.  Escard,  A 

Lumbroso,  E.  Michel,  L.  H.  Pelissier.    Roma,  1906. 

Pelissier,  Leon  G.  Le  Registre  de  I'lle  d'Elbe.  Lettres  et  ordres 
inedits  de  Napoleon  I^«(28  Mai,  1814-22  Fevrier,  1815).  1897. 

Pellet,  Marcellin.    Napoleon  a  I'ile  d'Elbe.    1888. 
Peyrusse,  Baron.    Memorial  et  Archives,  Carcassone.    1869. 

Lettres  inedites,  publiees  par  L.  G.  Pelissier.    1894. 

PiCHOT,  A.  Napoleon  a  I'ile  d'Elbe  :  chronique  des  evenements 
de  1814  et  1815,  d'apres  le  journal  du  Colonel  Sir  Neil 
Campbell,  le  journal  d'un  detenu  et  autres  documents  inedits 
ou  peu  connus.     1873. 

Pons  Andre  (de  l'Herault).  Souvenirs  et  anecdotes  de  I'ile 
d'Elbe  :  publics  d'apres  le  manuscrit  original,  par  Leon  G. 
Pelissier.     1897. 

Memoire  de  Pons  de  l'Herault  aux  Puissances  Allies,  by 

L.  G.  PeHssier.    1899. 

Chronique  de  I'ile  d'Elbe.    Memoires  Contemporaines. 

Saint  Amand,  Imbert  de.  Marie  Louise,  I'ile  d'Elbe  et  les  Cent 
Jours.    1885. 

Santoni,  G.  B.  Memoric  Patrie.  Vol.  XIV.  Manuscript  in  the 
Bibliotcca  Labronica,  Leghorn. 

Schmidt,  Karl.    Napoleon  paa  Elba.    Copenhagen,  1909. 

Stenger,  G.    Le  rctour  de  I'Empereur  en  1815.    1910. 

Thiebaut,  Arsene.    Voyage  a  I'ile  d'Elbc.    1808. 

Truchsess-Waldburg,  Graf  von.  Napoleon  Buonaparte's 
Reisc  von  Fontainebleau  nach  Frcjus  vom  17  bis  29  April, 
1814.  Berlin,  1815.  French  and  English  translations,  1815, 


Underwood,  T.  R.  A  narrative  of  the  memorable  events  in 
Paris,  1814 ;  also  anecdotes  of  Buonaparte's  journey  to 
Elba.     Edited  by  J.  Britton.     1828. 

UssHER,  Captain  Sir  Thomas.  A  narrative  of  events  connected 
with  the  first  abdication  of  the  Emperor  Napoleon,  his 
embarkation  at  Frejus  and  voyage  to  Elba,  on  board  His 
Majesty's  ship  Undaunted.  Dublin,  1841.  Reprinted  in 
'"  Napoleon's  last  voyages,"  edited  by  Dr.  J.  Holland  Rose. 

Vernon,  G.  F.  Sketch  of  a  conversation  with  Napoleon  at  Elba. 
Miscellanies  of  Philobiblion  Society,  Vol.  VIII.     1863. 

Vigo,  Pietro.  Ra})porti  di  capitani  di  bastimenti  sulla  fuga  di 
Napoleon  I  dall  isola  d'Elba.    Rivista  Marittima,  Juni,  1902. 

Vincent,  General.  Memorial  de  File  d'Elbe.  Memoires  de 
Tons,  Vol.  III. 

Vivian,  J.  H.  Minutes  of  a  conversation  with  Napoleon  Buona- 
parte at  Elba,  in  January,  1815.     1839. 

Weigall,  Rachel.  The  correspondence  of  Lord  Burghersh.  1912. 








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—  tM  n  in 



Abeille,  the,  143,  290 

Acona,  Elba  :   plain  of,  190,  196 

Addington,  Henry,  80 

Adye,  Captain,  289,  306,  307,  308, 

Agrippa  Posthumus,  129 

Aix-en-Savoie,  216,  217,  218 

Ajaccio,  81,  109,  279 

Albertini,  Commander  of  San  Fio- 
renzo,  294 

Alexander  I,  Czar  of  Russia,  17,  18, 
26,  27,  31,  37,  38,  42,  215,  216,  267, 
273,  276,  320 

Allies  enter  Paris,  17  ;  reviewed  in 
the  Champs  Elysees,  26 ;  pro- 
clamation, 26 

Allori,  guardian  of  the  cisterns  of 
Portoferraio,  237,  238 

Andrieux,  Captain,  of  the  Zephyr, 
311,  312 

Angles,  French  Minister  of  Police, 
123,  173,226,270,283,287 

Antibes,  315,  316 

Antwerp,  83,  255,  257 

Archambault,  footman  to  Napoleon, 

Arrighi,  Giuseppe  Filippo,  Vicar- 
General,  101  et  seq.  ;    103,  120 

Artois,  Comte  d',  40,  278 

Asperne,  James,  publisher,  330 

Augereau,  Marshal,  64,  258,  259,  334 

Augusta,  Princess,  222 

Austria,  17,  28,  267,  268,  269,  274 

Auxerre,  57,  62 

Avignon,  57,  65 

Baccini,  President  to  the  Tribunal  at 

Elba,  121,  128 
Baia,  142 
Bailey,  Lieutenant,  transport  officer, 

Baillon,    Chevalier,    Second    Grooin 

of  the  Bedchamber,  79,  119,  120 
Balbiani,  intendant,  122,  128 
Bance,  publisher,  323 
Bank  of  France,  18 
Barbarossa,  corsair,  92,  125 

Bargigli,  sculptor,  192 

Barham,  Lord,  255 

Barriere  de  Pan  tin,  Paris,  18 

Bartohni,  sculptor,  192 

Bartolucci,  agent  to  Napoleon  at 
Leghorn,  271 

Bastia,  177,  279 

Bathurst,  Earl,  42,  48 

Battersby,  Captain,  of  the  Grass- 
hopper, 157,  158 

Bausset,  34,  37,  54,  218 

Bautzen,  battle  of,  76,  117 

Bavaria,  King  of,  222 

Beauharnais,  Eugene  de,  149,  213, 
222,  283 

Beauregard,  Chevalier  Fourreau  de, 
physician-in-chief  to  Napoleon  at 
Elba,  79,  119 

Belliard,  20 

Berhn,  76 

Berluc,  Madame  de,  283 

Bernadotte,  General,  75 

Berne,  220 

Bernotti,  orderly  officer,  120,  177 

Bertaux,  J.  Duplessis,  portrait  of 
Napoleon  by,  323 

Berthier,  Marshal,  30,  54 

Bertrand,  Comte,  30,  52.  53,  55,  56, 
59,  66,  71,  79,  99,  103,  104,  105, 
108,  111,  114,  116,  117,  122,  125, 
126,  127,  128,  130,  135,  139,  140, 
141,  143,  144,  151,  155,  159,  164, 
167,  169,  170,  171,  172,  173,  175, 
178,  179,  181,  184,  185,  187,  188, 
196,  200,  205,  208,  219,  221,  225, 
226,  230,  231,  235,  236,  237,  239, 
240,  247,  269,  271,  280,  288,  294, 
297,  301,  302,  305,  306,  309 

—  Comtesse,  194,  233,  270,  306, 

—  Hortense,  116 
Berwick,  H.M.S.,  81 
Binelli,  orderly  officer,  120 
Blucher,  Prince  von,  18,  19,  76,  258 
Boinod,  General,  95,  96,  146 
Bonaparte,  Caroline,  Queen  of  Naples, 

214,  268,  269 




Bonaparte,  Elise,  Grand  Duchess  of 
Tuscany,  93,  110,  IGO,  175,  19G,  197, 
234,  244,  248 

—  Jerome,  35,  36,  39,  40,  174,  222 

—  Joseph,  21,  23,  24,  35,  36,  39,  40, 
85,  234,  244,  278 

—  Letizia  (Madame  Mere),  35,  39,  64, 
81,  113,  148,  157  et  seq.,  167,  172, 
174,  177,  178,  201,  233,  243,  308 

—  Louis,  35,  39 

—  Lucien,  157 

—  Marie  PauUne,  70,  71,  109,  110, 
113,  135,  142,  148,  152,  159,  161, 
164  et  seq.,  167,  171,  172,  173, 
174,  229,  233,  234,  244,  271,  272, 

Borghese,  Prince,  110,  173,  197 

Bouilledou,  Chateau  de,  70 

Bouillerie,  Baron  de  la,  Treasurer- 
General,  22,  208 

Boulevard  des  Italiens,  18 

Bourges,  270 

Bow'yer's  "  Illustrated  Record," 

Brewis,  Mr.  Alfred,  Napoleonic  collec- 
tion of,  323 

Briare,  57,  62 

Brienne,  76,  149 

Briguole,  Madame  de,  220 

Broadley's  collection  of  Napoleonic 
MSS.,  Mr.  A.  M.,  78 

Brulart,  Governor  of  Corsica,  228, 
278,  279,  290,  294 

Brussels,  257 

Bry,  Auguste,  publisher,  324 

Buonaparte,  Carlo  di.  Napoleon's 
father,  109,  190,  191 

Burghersh,  Lord,  222,  310,  314 

Cadore,  Due  de,  216 

Calade,  66 

Calvi,  81 

Cambaceres,  Arch- Chancellor,  21,  35 

Cambronne,  General,  Commander  of 
the  Imperial  Guard,  138,  146,  147, 
209,  280,  283 

Campaign  of  1814,  19 

Campbell,  Colonel  Neil,  English 
Commissioner  in  Elba,  49,  55,  56, 
57,  60,  61,  62,  63,  64,  70,  74,  75,  76, 
77,  79,  80,  81,  95,  98,  103,  104,  105, 
114,  122,  123,  125,  127,  128,  129, 
131,  135,  139,  140,  143,  153,  157, 
158,  159,  163, 187, 189, 194, 195, 198, 
199,  224,  226,  232,  247,  253,  258, 
259,  260,  263,  269,  270,  275,  276, 
278,  279,  283,  285,  286,  287,  288, 

289,  290,  298,  300,  301,  302,  305, 
306,  307,  310,  312,  313,  315,  316 
Campo,  88,  129,  132,  187 

—  Longone,  130 

—  Marina,  88 

Canova,  his  statues  of  Letizia  and 

Pauline  Bonaparte,  174 
Cape  S.  Andrea,  290 
Capo  di  Stella,  196 
Capoliveri,  91,  198,  199 
Capraia,  83,  85,  93,  104,  113,  142 
Carcassonne,  118,  119 
Cardel,  artist,  324 
Caricatures  of  Napoleon,  324  et  seq. 
Caroline,  advice-boat,  129,   131,  143, 

157,  309,  310 
Caroline  of  Wiirtemberg,  222 

—  Princess  of  Wales,  220 

—  Queen   of  the  Two   Sicilies,   217, 
219,  222 

Carrara,  192 

Casa  Bonaparte,  Ajaccio,  109 

Castlereagh,  Viscount,  42,  43,  48,  54, 

57,  75,  140,  273,  274,  275,  277,  306, 

Cathcart,  Lord,  75 
Caulaincourt,  A.  A.  L.  de,  18,  27,  30, 

32,  36,  43,  47,  48,  52,  53,  57,  258 
Cerboli,  86 
Cette,  95 
Chaboulon,  Fleury  de,  110,  297,  298, 

299,  300 
Champs  Elysees,  18,  26 
Chapel  to  the  Madonna  del  Monte, 

Charlet,  artist,  174 
Charrier-Moissard,  Captain  de,   136 
Chartres,  35 
Chatillon,  255,  259 

Chautard,  commander  of  the  Incon- 
stant, 295,  316 
Cipriani,  servant  to  Napoleon,   178, 

181,  271 
Civita  Vecchia,  86,  142,  143,  272,  289, 

294,  314 
Clam,     Major,     A.D.C.     to    General 

Koller,  55,  58,  71,  72,  79,  95,  104, 

Colin,  Controller  of  the  Household,  79 
Colombani,  Madame,  298 

—  Major,  198 

Colonna    d'    Istria,    chamberlain    to 

Madame  Mere,  157,  158,  221,  271, 

297,  305 
Congress  of  Vienna,  75,  136,  219,  266 

etseq.,  286,  297,  301,  335 
Constant,  chief  valet  to  Napoleon,  63, 




Cooke,  Rlr.,  Under-Secretary  of  State, 

Corfu,  42,  273 
Cornuell,  Captain,  146 
Corsica,  27,  42,  84,  87,  88,  92,  153, 

191,  228,  229,  291 
Corsican  Guard,  145 
Corvisart,  216,  217,  218 
Cosimo  de  Medici,  Duke  of  Florence, 

Cosmopoli,  92 
Crane,  Warren,  sale,  324 
Craonne,  battle  of,  25 
Crawford's  collection  of  Napoleonic 

MSS.,  Lord,  236,  249 
Cruikshank,   George,   326,   331,   335, 

Curar/)a,  frigate,  127,  155,  172 
Cussy,  218 

Dahling,  H.  A.,  "  parade  portrait  " 
of  Napoleon,  325 

Dalesme,  General,  French  Coinman- 
dant  of  Elba,  94,  95,  98,  99, 
100,  105,  125,  126,  128,  138,  144, 

Danzig,  siege  of,  76 

Darling,  M.P.,  Frederick,  received  by 
Napoleon,  252 

Davout,  Marshal,  258,  299 

Demidoff,  Prince  Anatole,  91,  113, 

Paul,  86,  175 

Deschamps,  Chevalier,  First  Groom 
of  the  Bedchamber,  79,  110,  119. 
120,  209,  239 

Dey  of  Algiers,  the,  141 

Digne,  57 

Dillon,  General  Arthur,  115 

Dodgin,  Captain,  323 

DorviUe,  usher  to  Napoleon,  121 

Douglas,  Colonel,  received  by  Napo- 
leon, 249 

Dragut,  corsair,  92,  129 

Dresden,  76,  148 

Drouot,  General,  20,  68,  74,  79,  95, 
96.  104,  116,  117,  122,  125,  128,  131, 
143,  144,  145,  151,  155,  159,  167, 
170,  196,  198,  200,  204,  205,  226, 
227,  229,  231,  232,  236,  290,  297, 
301,  304,  305,  306,  309,  317 

Dryade,  French  frigate,  70,  136,  138, 
155,  156 

Dubourg,  M.,  engraver,  322 

Dudon,  agent  of  the  Provisional 
Government,  51 

Dumas,  85,  319 

Dupont  de   I'Etang,    Comte   Pierre, 
Minister  of  War,  58,  94,  278 

Duroc,  Michel,  Due  de  Friuli,  115, 
199,  200 

Ebrington,  Viscount,  received  by 
Napoleon,  247,  252,  264 

Elba  :  suggested  as  Napoleon's  king- 
dom by  the  Czar,  27,  32  ;  finally 
accepted,  42  ;  the  Emperor  Francis 
disapproves,  43 ;  description,  85 
et  seq.  ;  climate,  87  ;  industries, 
87  et  seq.  ;  once  a  Roman  colony, 
92  ;  evacuated  by  British  troops 
in  1797,  93  ,• ,  given  by  Napoleon 
to  his  sister  Elise,  93  ;  blockaded 
by  a  British  fleet,  93  ;  proposed 
canal,  154  ;  suggested  return  to 
the  name  Cosmopoli,  192 

Elban  National  Guards,  107,  145 

Emigres,  the,  28 

England  and  Napoleon,  42,  43,  48, 
49,  60,  80,  83,  122,  136,  139,  141, 
262,  263,  287 

Englishmen  received  by  Napoleon  at 
Elba,  247  et  seq. 

Erskine,  David,  323 

ittoile,  chebec,  143 

—  bombard,  305,  306,  309 

Etoilefort,  189 

Fain,  Napoleon's  secretary,  52,  53 
Fairburn,  John,  publisher,  321 
Faubourg  Saint-Martin,  Paris,  18 
Fazakerley,  Mr.,  received  by  Napo- 
leon, 251 
Felton,   British  Consul  at  Leghorn, 

Fere  Champenoise,  battle  of,  77 
Ferrero,  anarcliist,  tablet  to,  90 
Fesch,  Cardinal,  39,  64,  142,  268,  271, 

Filidoro,    Captain    of    the    port    of 

Portoferraio,  146 
Financial     accounts     of     Napoleon's 

rule  at  Elba,  206-8,  210-11 
Flahaut,  General,  20 
Fkur-dc-Lys,  the,  228,  290,  311,  312, 

313,  316 
Fleurus,  battle  of,  116 
Florence,  36,  93,  157,  271,  283,  289, 

Fontainebleau,  18,  19,  21,  27,  28,  35, 

37,  43,  49,  54,  5o,  HI,   112,   115, 

118,  181,  208,  215,  227,  257,  262, 

293,  294,  321,  322,  328 



Fort  Falcone,  Elba,  90,  93 

—  Inglesc,  Elba,  93 

—  Stella,  Elba,  89,  108,  138 
Fossombroni,  Minister  of  the  Grand 

Duke  Ferdinand  at  Florence,  278 
Fouche,  Joseph,  299 
Fourreau,  113,  309 
Fox,  Charles  James,  252,  253 
Francis   I,  Emperor    of  Austria,   37, 

38,  43,  55,  72,  216,  218,  220,  221, 

Frederick     William     II,      King     of 

Prussia,  17,  26,  215,  216 
Frejus,  70,  72,  111,  135,  143,  216 
Friedland,   115 
Fromeiiteau,  20 

Gaeta,  314 

Galbois,  Colonel,  35 

Gap,  57 

Garat,  Captain,  316 

Garibaldi,  90 

Gatti,  apothecary  to  Napoleon,   79, 

Genoa,  92,  127,  142,  143,  153,  271 
George  III  :   celebration  of  his  birth- 
day at  Elba,  155 
Giglio,  104 

Girardin,  Anne  Laure,  115 
Gorgona,  84,  104,  113 
Gottmann,  commander  at  Longone. 

130,  131,  175 
Gourgaud,  Colonel,  20,  54,  175,  232, 

240,  293,  297 
Grasi^hopper,  the,  157,  158,  159 
Gratton,     Mr.,    English     visitor     to 

Napoleon,  314,  315 
Grenoble,  57 
Gualandi,  Mayor  of  Rio  Montagne, 

120,  125,  126 
Guasco,    commander   of   Napoleon's 

Corsican  battalion,  228 
Guastalla,  Duchy  of,  44,  49,  267 
Guerrazzi,  poet,  90 

Hallowell,  Admiral,  141,  287 

Hamburg,  83 

Hanau,  115,  148 

Hanhart,  Messrs.,  lithograph  of  Napo- 
leon by,  323 

Hardonberg,  Baron  de,  47 

Hastings,  Lieutenant,  his  description 
of  Napoleon,  78,  95,  105 

Hoare,  Sir  Richard  Colt,  320,  321 

Hochard,  143 

llohcnlindcn,  battle  of,  116 

Holland,  Lord,  251,  272 

Hollard,  head  gardener  to  Napoleon, 

121,  271 
Horses  used  by  Napoleon  at  Elba, 

148,  149 
Hortense,  Queen,  152 
Hubert,  valet  to  Napoleon,  121 
Hugo,  Victor,  90 

Ibbetson,  Denzii,  323 
Imperial  Guard  at  Elba,  138,  143 
—  Palace,  Rio  Marina,  185 
Inconstant,  brig,   136,   138,   142,   155, 

271,  272,  294,  295,  296,  300,  305, 

306,  307,  308,  309,  310,  311,  312, 

313,  316,  318 
Insola,  peninsula  of,  196 
Invasion     of     England,     Napoleon's 

threatened,  253  et  scq. 
Isabey,  218,  324 
Italian  campaign  of  1796,  82,  93 

Jackson,  Basil,  323 

James,  Captain,  of  H.M.  brig  Swallow, 

Jersmanowski,  79,  105,  144,  145,  146, 

Jilli,  valet  to  Napoleon,  121 
Josephine,    Empress,    80,    115,    152, 

223,  235,  244 
Jukes,  F.,  engraver,  322 

Kalisch,  76 

Kellermann,  Francois  Etionnc,  116, 

Roller,  General,  Austrian  Commis- 
sioner, 49,  55,  56,  58,  59,  60,  62, 
66,  68,  72,  79,  81,  82,  98,  104,  105, 
110,  122,  127,  286 

Labadie,  Adjutant  Pierre,  288 

Laczinski,  Count,  181 

LaeiUla,  Neapolitan  warship,  152 

Lafhtte,  213 

Lapi,  Signor,  chamberlain  to  Napo- 
leon, 120,  164,  172,  173,  174,  195, 

Larabit,  Lieutenant,  130,  131 

Las  Cases,  JMarquis  de,  107 

La  Scola,  129,  132 

Latta,  Mr.  \Villiam  J.,  collector  of 
Napoleonic  rariora,  324 

Lavalette,  213 



Lebel,  Colonel,  146 
Lefebvre,  Marshal,  20,  29,  32 
Lefevie,  Eobert,  artist,  323,  324 
Leghorn,  85,  86,  104,  145,  153,  156, 

195,  229,  270,  271,  283,  285,  287, 

289,  298,  304 
Leipzig,  battle  of,  115,  148,  264,  325 
Lemaitre,  publisher,  324 
Lemoine,  b.a.,  Colonel,  received  by 

Napoleon,  249 
Leopold,  Pi-ince,  of  Sicily,  289 
Levachez,  323 
Levrette,  schooner,  142 
Litta,  M.,  285,  286 
Linguella,  the,  Elba,  89 
Liverpool,  Earl  of,  49,  267,  273 
Livia,  129 
Locker,  Mr.,  secretary  to  Sir  Edward 

Pellew,  127 
Longone,  93,  143,  187 
Louis  XVIII,  26,  33,  50,  83,  135,  173, 

273,  274,  275,  276,  283,  287,  288, 

291,  292,  328 
Louis  of  Parma,  Prince,  267 
Louise,  Princess,  76 
Lowe.  Sir  Hudson,  75,  76,  306 
Luc,  70 

Liitzen,  battle  of,  76,  117,  149 
Lyons,  57,  64,  136,  258 

Macdonald,  Marshal,  30,  31,  32,  42, 

49,  53,  54 
MacDonnell,   British   Consul   at   Al- 
giers, 141 
"  Madame  Mere,"  picture  by  Gerard, 

Madone,   La  :     Napoleon's   house  at 

Marciana  Alta,  176 
Magazzini,  125 
Maison  Vantini,  residence  of  Madame 

Mere  at  Elba,  159,  160 
Mallet,  146,  317 
Malmaison,  80,  166,  183 
Manganaro,     former     proprietor     of 

Pauline     Bonaparte's     estate     at 

Elba,  165 
Marchand,  121,  171,  233,  309 
Marciana  Alta,  88,  129,  176 
—  Marina,  88,  94,  128,  182,  187,  188, 

Marengo,  battle  of,  263,  282 
Maret,  30,  52,  53,  54,  258,  297,  298, 

Marie  Louise,  Empress  :  at  reception 

at    the    Tuilories,    23rd    January, 

1814,  19  ;    campaign  of  1814,  19  ; 

left  in  Paris  as  regent,  21  ;    Napo- 

leon's plans  for  her  should  he  die, 
22  ;  leaves  Paris,  23,  34  ;  at  Blois, 
35  ;  at  Chartres,  35  ;  letters  from 
Napoleon,  35,  71,  127,  209  ;  writes 
to  him,  36,  221  ;  communicates 
with  her  father,  37  ;  starts  for 
Orleans,  39  ;  her  guard  at  Parma, 
144  ;  at  the  baths  of  Aix,  158  ; 
inherits  an  estate  in  Elba,  174  ; 
and  Napoleon's  intrigue  with  the 
Countess  WalewsUa,  181  ;  funds, 
210  ;  at  Rambouillet,  215  ;  arrives 
at  Schoenbrunn,  217  ;  meets 
Neipperg,  218 ;  his  sinister  in- 
fluence, 220 

Marie  Louise  of  Spain,  267 

Marina  di  Giove,  304 

Mariotti,  French  Consul  at  Leghorn, 
270,  271,  278,  283,  285,  289,  304, 
307,  313 

Marmont,  Marshal,  21,  27,  29,  31,  32, 

Slarseilles,  70,  153 

IMassena,  Marshal,  286 

Matas,  Niccolo,  designer  of  the 
Elban  museum  of  Napoleonic  relics, 

]\Iathias,  footman  to  Napoleon,  121 

Matthilde,  daughter  of  Jerome  Bona- 
parte, 174 

Maxwell,  r.a.,  Major,  received  by 
Napoleon,  249 

Mayer,  M.  Godefroy,  323 

Mazzini,  90 

Medici,  Cosimo  de,  192 

Mellini,  Rosa,  companion  to  Madame 
Mere,  308 

Meloria,  naval  battle  of,  92 

Melpomine,  French  frigate,  228,  290, 
311,  313 

Meneval,  secretary  to  Marie  Louise, 
39,  52,  71,  144,  209,  216,  217,  218, 
219,  221,  244 

Metternich,  Prince,  39,  40,  47,  68, 
268,  272 

Milan,  285 

—  Decree,  82 
Moncey,  Marshal,  29 

Monier,  Adjutant  of  Engineers,  131 

Montalivet,  21,  241 

Montargis,  62 

Montcabrie,  Captain  de,  70,  136,  138 

Mont  Conis,  62 

—  de  Milan,  273,  277 
Monte  alia  Quata,  86 

—  Calamita,  87 

—  Capanne,  86 

Montebello,  Duchesse  de,  34.  218 



Monte  Cristo,  85,  92,  93,  104, 
290,  314 

—  Giove,  86 

—  Serrato,  225 
Montelimar,  65 

Montesquieu,  Comtesse  de,  221, 
Montholon,  Colonel,  54,  292,  293, 

297,  299 

Montresor,  General,  94 

Moreau,  General,  116,  260 

Mortier,  Marshal,  27 

Moscow,  118,264 

Mouche,  the,  143 

Moulins,  63 

Mount  Thabor,  battle  of,  54 

Mulini  Palace,  the,  108  et  seq., 
137,  152,  156,  169,  187,  230, 
239,  247,  288,  308,  309 

Murat,  Joachim,  King  of  Naples, 
260,  264,  266,  267,  268,  269, 
273,  275,  276,  277,  278,  286, 
297,  305,  314 

Muratori,  242 

Murray,  R.  W.,  287 






Nansouty,  General,  157 

Naples,  93,  285,  297 

Napoleon  :  reception  of  officers  of 
the  National  Guard  at  the  Tuileries, 
23rd  January,  1814,  19;  the 
campaign  of  1814,  19  et  seq.  ; 
anxious  to  make  peace  with  the 
Czar,  20  ;  his  correspondence  with 
Joseph  Bonaparte,  21  et  seq.  ; 
belief  in  fate,  25  ;  loyalty  of  his 
army,  26  ;  at  Fontainebleau,  27  ; 
deposed  by  the  Senate,  27  ; 
Caulaincourt  repoi-ts  his  interview 
with  the  Czar,  28  ;  harangues  the 
army,  28  ;  hears  of  Marmont's 
treason,  29  ;  hears  opinions  of  his 
marshals,  30  ;  writes  a  conditional 
abdication,  31  ;  final  act  of 
abdication,  32  et  seq.,  42  ;  coldness 
of  his  troops,  33  ;  private  treasure, 
34  ;  his  letters  to  the  Empress.  35, 
39,  71,  216,  217,  220;  attitude 
towards  Marie  Louise,  36  ;  and  the 
Ti'eaty  of  Fontainebleau,  43,  50  ; 
independent  monarch  as  King  of 
Elba,  50  ;  his  treatment  by  Louis 
XVIII,  50,  51  ;  gives  up  Crown 
jewels,  estates,  and  furniture,  51  ; 
his  private  fortune,  51  ;  attempts 
suicide,  52  et  seq.  ;  receives  the 
Commissioners  of  the  Powers,  56  ; 
his    appearance,     56 ;      complains 

that  the  Allies  have  been  unfaith- 
ful, 59  ;  farewell  to  the  Old  Guard, 
60 ;  leaves  Fontainebleau,  62  ; 
journey  to  the  coast,  60  et  seq.  ; 
conversation  with  Commissioners, 
63  ;  meets  Augereau,  64,  65  ; 
insulted  by  the  populace,  66 ; 
disguises  himself,  66,  68  ;  dread  of 
the  mob,  69  ;  letter  to  the  Emperor 
Francis,  72  ;  opinion  of  the  French, 
72  ;  boards  H.M.S.  Undaunted,  74  ; 
the  voyage  to  Elba,  79  et  seq.  ; 
ignorance  of  the  principles  of 
commerce,  80 ;  plans  for  the 
French  navy,  83  ;  his  description 
of  Gorgona,  84  ;  as  fisherman,  88  ; 
curious  memento  a.t  Elba,  91  ; 
annual  memorial  service,  91  ; 
burned  in  effigy  at  Marciana,  94  ; 
arrives  at  Elba,  95  ;  his  reception, 
97  ;  declaration  of  4th  May,  1814, 
100  ;  chooses  a  flag,  103  ;  lands, 
104  et  seq.  ;  at  the  Hotel  de  Ville, 
105,  107  ;  on  the  advantages  of 
early  rising,  107  ;  selects  a  house, 
108;  collects  a  library.  111; 
improves  the  Mulini,  112;  first 
social  reception  at  Elba,  114; 
insists  on  strict  etiquette,  122  ; 
charity,  122  ;  receives  English 
visitors,  123  ;  expedition  to  Rio, 
125  ;  letter  to  Marie  Louise  (9th 
May,  1814),  127  ;  visits  Porto 
Longone,  128 ;  fortifies  Pianosa, 
130  ;  Utopian  schemes,  \^2  et  seq.  ; 
plays  chess,  135  ;  hears  of  French 
dissatisfaction,  135  et  seq.  ;  speech 
to  the  Imperial  Guard,  138  ;  his 
attitude  towards  Colonel  Campbell, 
141  ;  his  correspondence,  142  ;  his 
army,  146,  150 ;  distress  at  the 
news  of  Josephine's  death,  152  ; 
Continental  system  applied  to 
Elba,  153  et  seq.  ;  attends  High 
Mass,  154  ;  intended  for  the  navy, 
158  ;  joined  by  his  mother,  159  ; 
expects  Marie  Louise,  161  ;  celebra- 
tion of  his  birthday,  162  et  seq.  ; 
as  an  architect,  164  ;  his  country 
house,  165  ;  favourite  drive,  168  ; 
his  wines,  170  ;  in  pictures,  174  ; 
as  an  agriculturist.  175,  190;  his 
liermitage  at  Marciana  Alta,  176  ; 
meets  the  Countess  Walewska, 
179  ;  at  the  Palace  of  Porto 
Longone,  1 84 ;  at  the  Imperial 
Palace,  Rio,  185  ;  plans  a  harbour, 
186  ;  plans  for  defence,  186  et  seq.  ; 



as  patron  of  sculpture,  192 
reason  for  his  improvements  at 
Elba,  193  ;  his  finance,  194  et  seq. 
levies  taxes,  198  ;  his  self-esteem 
201  ;  his  parsimony,  205 ;  com 
municates  with  Marie  Louise,  208 
writes  to  the  Grand  Duke  of 
Tuscan j%  221  ;  receives  last  letter 
from  Marie  Louise,  221  ;  habits  at 
Elba,  224  et  seq.  ;  love  of  incessant 
change,  226  ;  writings  of  his  youth, 
227 ;  converts  church  into  a 
theatre,  229;  gives  balls,  230; 
cheats  at  cards,  233  ;  sailing  ex- 
peditions, 234  ;  Elban  navy,  238  ; 
ruined  by  the  Austrian  marriage, 
241  ;  compared  to  Cola  di  Rienzo, 
242 ;  his  true  character,  243  et 
seq. ;  devoted  to  Marie  Louise, 
244 ;  receives  English  visitors, 
247  et  seq.  ;  discusses  the  proposed 
invasion  of  England,  253  et  seq. ; 
remarks  about  Italy,  260 ;  con- 
spiracy for  making  him  King 
of  Italy,  269,  296  ;  plots  against 
his  life,  278  et  seq. ;  his  discon- 
tents, 291  ;  decides  to  leave  Elba, 
300 ;  embarks  for  France,  309  ; 
lands,  318  ;    at   the  Tuileries,   335 

"  Napoleon   at   Areola,"   picture   by 
Gros,  174 

"  Napoleon    Crowned,"    picture    by 
Gerard,  174 

Napoleon  III,  119 

Napoleonic  relics,  Elban  museum  of, 
174  et  seq. 

National  Guard,  French,  18,  19 

Neipperg,  General  Covmt,  218,  219 

Nelson,  Lord,  291 

Nemours,  62 

Nesselrode,  Count  von,    28,  30,    42, 

Neuville,  Hyde  de,  283,  289 

Nevers,  63 

Ney,  Marshal,  29,  30,  31,  32,  42,  47 

Noverraz,  groom  to  Napoleon,  121 

Oken,  De  Prokesch,  223 

Olewieff,  Major,  adjutant  to  General 

Schouvalotf,  62,  68 
Orange,  Princess  of,  76 
Orgon,  66 

Orleans,  37,  38,  39,  51,  216 
—  Due  d',  299,  300 
Orme,  Edward,  publisher,  322 
Omano,  General,  183 
Oudinot,  INIarshal,  30,  32 

Palace  of  Porto  Longoiie,  184 

Palermo,  289 

Palmajola,  86,  93,  186,  187,  193,  290, 
301,  302,  306 

Paoli,  Captain  of  the  Elban  Gen- 
darmes, 120,  146,  198,  237 

Paris  :  entry  of  the  allied  troops  into, 

Parma,  Duchy  of,  36,  44,  49,  71,  144, 

Partridge,  brig,  the,  113,  289,  300, 
304,  306,  307,  308,  310,  311,  313, 
314,  315,  316 

Peace  of  Amiens,  80,  252,  320 

Pelard,  valet  to  Napoleon,  53,  121 

Pelissier,  L.  G.,  and  the  works  of 
Andre  Pons,  96 

Pellew,  Sir  Edward,  83 

Perez,  orderly  officer,  120 

Perrin,  294 

Petit,  General,  61 

Peyrusse,  Chevalier,  Treasurer  of  the 
Crown,  79,  96,  105,  118,  139,  145, 
170,  172,  174,  205,  206,  208,  209, 
210,  212,  213,  215,  293,  297,  306, 
309,  316 

Peyrusse,  Baron  Guillaume,  117  et 

Piacenza,  Duchy  of,  267 

Pianosa,  85,  92,  93,  129,  130, 131,  132, 
133,  134,  143,  145,  186,  187,  190, 
193,  278,  290,  301,  302,  314 

Piazza  Cavour,  Portoferraio,  89,  90 

—  d'Amii,  Portoferraio,  90 
Piccolomini,       General      Spannoclii, 

Governor  of  Leghorn,  270 
Pichegru,  General,  260 
Pinion,  lithograph  of  Napoleon  by, 

Piombino,  55,  71,  86,  92,  93,  110,  143, 

248,  271,  314 

—  Prince  of,  92 

—  straits  of,  154 
Pisa,  92,  184 
Pisani,  Captain,  130 
Placentia,  Duchy  of,  44,  49 
Poggi,  Judge,  121 
Poggio,  129,  188 
Poland,  83,  266,  267 

Pons.  Andre,  95,  96,  97,  100,  123,  125, 
126,  127,  154,  156,  161,  162,  185, 
190,  191,  197,  199,  200,  201,  204, 
205,  225,  230,  232,  235,  245,  278, 
296,  304,  309 

Portici,  142 

Portoferraio,  ^  et  seq.,  129,  131,  135, 
143,  144,  153,  159,  161,  164,  170, 
186  et  seq.,  229,  230,  234,  235,  270, 



271,  279,  283,  289,  295  ct  scq.,  305, 

309,  313,  314,  321,  322,  328 
Porto  Longone,  91,  93,  128,  130,  132, 

170,  182,  184,  185,  18G,  188,  289, 

—  Vecchio,  86 

Portraiture  of  Napoleon  at  Elba,  323 
Portugal,  275 
Pozzo  di  Borgo,  274 
Pradines,  63 
Prague,  59 

Prince  Regent,  the,  49,  76 
Procchio,  187,  188 
Proclamation     of     the     AlHes,     31st 

March,  1814,  26 
Provisional  Government,  27,  47,  51, 

Prussia,  17,  266,  274 

Rambouillet,  22,  34,  41,  209,  215,  217 
Ramolino,  294,  295 
Rasommouffsky,  Comte  de,  47 
Rathery,  secretary  to  Napoleon,  79, 

121,  309 
Regency,  Council  of  the,  2\  ct  seq, 
Reichstadt,  Due  de,   19,  21,  22,  23, 

34,  43,  171,  174,  217,  221,  223,  244, 

245,  252,  317 
Ricci,  301,  305,  307 
Richon,  Captain,  143,  157 
Rienzo,  Cola  di,  242,  243 
Rio,  93,  94,  125,  185,  188,  199 

—  Alto,  88 

—  Marina,  88,  125,  185 

—  Montagne,  125,  189 
Roanne,  63,  64 
Rohan,  Comtesse  de,  231 
Romagna,  133 

Roule,   Captain,   chief   orderly,    131, 

146,  147,  153 
Roustam,  mameluke,  54 
Rowlandson,  Thomas,  326 
Ruelle,  funeral  service  of  Josephine 

at,  152 
Ruspoli,  Prince  Camillo,  owner  of  the 

San  Martino  estate,  175 
Russell,     Lord    John,     received    by 

Napoleon,  248,  249 
Russia,  17,  266 

Saint  Esprit,  the,  305,  306,  309,  310 
—  Joseph,  the,  309 
Sainte  Marguerite,  278 
St.  Denis,  groom  to  Napoleon,  121 
St.    Francis,    barrack   of,    108,     138, 

St.  Helena,  96,  121,  166,  167,  214, 
226,  227,  232,  240,  249,  252,  257, 
275,  277,  279,  281,  282,  290,  291, 
293,  297,  299,  304,  306,  323 

St.  Raphael,  72 

St.  Tropez,  55,  70 

San  Cristino,  patron  saint  of  Porto- 
ferraio,  154,  161 

San  Fiorenzo,  294 

San  Martino,  148,  149,  164,  239,  251, 

Napoleonic  museum  at,  86 

Santa  Cruz,  93 

—  Lucia,  275 

Santini,  usher  to  Napoleon,  121 

Sarri,  Lieutenant,  142 

Savary,  General,  21,  23 

Savona,  62 

Savournin,  secretary  to  Bertrand, 

Saxony,  266,  267 

Schoenbrunn,  Castle  of.  217,  221 

Schouvaloff,  Count,  Russian  Com- 
missioner, 37,  38,  39,  40,  49,  55,  56, 
60,  62,  66,  68 

Schwartzenberg,  Prince  von,  17,  19, 
26,  28,  258,  261 

Scitivaux,  receiver  for  the  Rio  mines, 

Scola  P'ort,  off  Pianosa,  186,  187 

Scott,  Mr.,  received  by  Napoleon, 
249  et  seq. 

Seahorse,  H.M.S.,  130 

"  Sedia  di  Napoleone,"  the,  177 

Segur,  Comte  de,  53 

Senno,  orderly  officer,  120,  197 

Smith,  Captain,  received  by  Napo- 
leon, 249 

Souham,  General,  31 

Spain,  276 

Spannocchi,  General,  Governor  of 
Leghorn,  307 

Stadion,  40 

Stahremberg,  Austrian  Commander 
at  Leghorn  and  Piombino,  271 

Steuben,  artist,  174 

Stewart,  Sir  Charles,  42 

Stockholm,  75 

Swallow,  brig,  155 

Taillade,  Commander  of  the  Incon- 
stant 142,  272,  278,  294,  295,296, 
312,  316 

Talleyrand-Perigord,  Charles  Maiu-ice 
de,  21  et  seq.,  30,  48,  50,  65,  267, 
268,  273  et  scq.,  335 

Tahna,  218 



Tavelle,     Colonel,     Commander     at 

Rio,  146 
Tereni,  A.  S.,  artist,  322 
Theatre    at    Elba,    Napoleon's,    229 

et  seq. 
Thibeaudeau,  299 
Thomson,      r.n.,      Captain,      senior 

officer  at  Genoa,  314 
Tiberius,  129 
Toulon,  77,  95,  259,  289 
Tours,  22 
Tower,     Captain,    of     H.M.     frigate 

Curaroa,  155 
Traditi,  Mayor  of  Portoferraio,  104, 

120,  128,  175 
Treaty  of  Fontainebleau  (11th  April, 

1814),  43  et  seq.,  49,  50,  59,  137,  139, 

141,  143,  199,  217,  229,  267,  274, 


—  Paris,  127 

Trinidad,  275 

Troyes,  38 

Truchsess-Waldburg,  Prussian  Com- 
missioner, 55,  56,  60,  62,  63,  66,  67, 
68,  70 

Tschudi,  Clara,  223 
Tuileries,  the,  19,  23,  51,  335 
Turin,  269 
Tuscany,  90,  93,  133,  228 

—  Grand  Duke  of,  195,  221 

Undaunted,  H.M.  frigate,  70,  74,  77, 
95,  102,  103,  104,  125,  135,  139,  148 

Uranie,  French  frigate,  295 

Ussher,  Captain  Thomas,  70,  71,  72, 
74,  77,  80,  81,  82,  83,  103  et  seq., 
135  et  seq.,  143,  263 

Ussher,  barge,  143 

Valence,  57,  64,  65 
Valetta,  90 

Vantini,  chamberlain,  120 

—  Signorina  Henrietta,  232 
Vendome,  35 

Vemet,  C,  323 

—  Horace,  174,  324 

Vernon,    m.p.,    G.    F.,    received    by 

Napoleon,  251,  252,  255 
Victor  Emmanuel,  90 
Vienna,  114 
Villa       San      Martino,      Napoleon's 

country  house,  165  et  seq. 
Villain,  324 
Villegiatura,  Pauline's  coiuitry  house, 

164  et  seq. 
Villeneuve,  Admiral,  63,  255 
Vincent,  chief  groom  at  Elba,   148, 

156,  157,  179 

—  Colonel,   Commander  of  the  En- 
gineers at  Elba,  49,  103,  197 

Vivian,  Major,  received  by  Napoleon, 

247,  248,  261,  263 
Volterraio,  125 
Voltz,  J.  M.,  caricature  of  Napoleon 

by,  324,  325 

Wagram,  battle  of,  115,  116,  118 
Walewska,    Countess,     179    et    seq., 

Walewski,      Alexandre,      Napoleon's 

natural  son,  179,  180,  183 
Waterloo,  battle  of,  117,  146,  148 
Weir,  Captain  James,  322 
Wellington,  Duke  of,  259,  267,  273 
Wildman,  Mr.,  received  by  Napoleon, 

Wilson,  Sir  Robert,  76 
Wolff,  Sir  Henry  Driunmond,  323 

Yvan,  Dr.,  52,  53 

Z^hyr,  French  brig,  311,  312,  313 






A  Collection  of  Rare  BroadsideS;,  Letters,  Ballads, 
and  Prints,  concerning  the  wanderings  of 
Charles  II  after  the  Battle  of  Worcester  (Sep- 
tember 3 — October  15,  l651),  with  a  Preface, 
Historical  Inti'oduction,  Appendix,  and  Biblio- 
graphy by  A.  M.  Broadley.  Crown  4to,  cloth 
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A  hitherto  unknown  chapter  in  the  life  of 
George  Crabbe,  revealed  by  his  ten  years'  corre- 
spondence with  Elizabeth  Charter,  1815-1825. 
By  A.  M.  Broadley  and  Walter  Jerrold.  Demy 
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In   Two   volumes.       Demy   8vo,   cloth   gilt,   fully 
illustrated.     24s.  net  the  set. 

This  book  is  the  private  diary  of  a  life-long  and  intimate 
friend  of  Louis  Napoleon,  whose  identity  is  here  thinly 
veiled  under  a  pseudonym.  Deeply  affected  from  the 
beginning  by  the  personality  of  Louis  Napoleon,  the 
Baron  gradually  became  impressed  with  the  idea 
that  his  friend  was  a  son  of  Napoleon  I,  and  in  his 
diary  he  alleges  some  startling  evidence  in  favour  of 
his  theory.  From  his  earliest  association  with  Louis  he 
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tions as  they  occurred,  and  to  these  he  added  evidence 
from  every  source,  letters,  documents,  newspaper  cut- 
■  tings,  which,  after  the  death  of  Louis  Napoleon  and 
within  a  few  years  of  his  own,  he  prepared  for  publica- 
tion. The  book  therefore  supplies  a  large  quantity  of 
first-hand  material,  for  the  first  time  in  English,  for 
a  survey  and  study  of  the  life  and  character  of  one  of 
the  most  enigmatic  figures  in  modern  history. 

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